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THE
TEMPLE
CLASSICS
THE
CHRONICLE
OF
DINO COMPAGNI
Digitized'by the Internet Archive
in 2010 with funding from
Boston Library Consortium Member Libraries
http://www.archive.org/details/chronicleofdinocOOcomp
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CHRPNICE
92DINO
COMPAGNI
TRANSITED
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BENECKE
S§ FERRERS
HOWELL
MDCCCCVI PUBL15H6D- BY-^M D6NT-
•AMP-CO : ALDlNe-HOUSe-LOMDON-W-O
PRELIMINARY NOTE vii
PRELIMINARY NOTE
Though Dino Compagni calls his work a Chronicle,
it is not (like Giovanni Villani's, for example) a
Chronicle in the sense in which the term is now
used to express a particular kind of narration dis-
tinguished from a history ; the terms " chronicle "
and "history" being in Dino's time interchange-
able. Dino's book is in form the history of a
particular fact, namely, the division of the Guelf
party in Florence into the White and the Black
Guelfs, with its attendant circumstances, its causes,
and its results : but under this form is unfolded at
the same time the history of the steps by which
the wealthy traders of Florence (jfropolani, popolani
grassi, and collectively popolo grasso) organised in
the greater guilds (see Appendix II.) acquired and
retained the control of the machinery of govern-
ment in the city and its outlying territory (contado),
excluding (practically) from all participation therein
on the one hand the Magnates (i.e. the old feudal
nobility, and other persons more recently ennobled
by knighthood or by marriage), and on the other
hand the smaller traders and the populace (popolo
minuto}.
The first book, starting (after a brief preface
and two introductory chapters) with the peace of
v A
vi PRELIMINARY NOTE
Cardinal Latino in 1280, describes the causes
which led to the schism in the Guelr party, its
outbreak, and the initial triumph of the White
Guelfs (1301).
The second book describes the overthrow of the
government of the Whites by the Blacks, with the
assistance of Pope Boniface VIII. and Charles of
Valois (autumn of 1301), the expulsion of the
Whites from Florence, and their first attempts
to return by force of arms (1302, 1303): the
conclusion of this stage of the narrative being
marked by the death of Boniface VIII. (11th
Oct. 1303).
The third book describes the fruitless attempts
of the new Pope, Benedict XL, to make peace
between the two parties (1303, 1304), the last
struggles and ultimate dispersion of the White
exiles (1 304-1 307), the attempt of Corso Donati
and the Magnates to wrest the government out of
the hands of the Popolani, the election to the
imperial throne of Henry of Luxemburg, and his
progress through Italy down to his coronation at
Rome (June 29, 131 2) ; concluding with a solemn
denunciation of the punishment which (as the
historian believed and confidently hoped) Henry
would inflict on the wicked citizens of Florence,
for their rebellion against his supreme authority.
At the head of every chapter is given a Summary
of its contents. For an account of Dino Compagni,
and the literary history of the Chronicle, see Ap-
pendix I., and for a Summary of the principal
features of the Florentine constitution after 1282,
see Appendix II.
Most of the passages from G. Villani's Chronicle
PRELIMINARY NOTE vii
that are referred to in the notes will be found in
Selfe and Wicksteed's " Selections from the first
Nine Books of the Croniche Florentine of G.
Villani," published by Constable. Translations
of all the works of Dante referred to in the notes
have been published in the Temple Classics.
Where quotations from Dante's works are fol-
lowed by the letter n, it is to be understood that
the notes in the Temple Classics Edition are re-
ferred to. Professor Villari's " The Two First
Centuries of Florentine History" (published by
Fisher Unwin) is cited as '* Villari/' It is a
translation from the original Italian. Del Lungo's
work, " Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica," is
cited simply as "Del Lungo." (See Translators'
Note below, p. 272.)
THE CHRONICLE OF
DINO COMPAGNI
OF THE EVENTS HAPPENING IN HIS
TIME
PREFACE
The subject of the work and the author's motive
in writing it.
The remembrance of the ancient histories has long
stirred my mind to write of the events, fraught
with danger and ill-fitted to bring prosperity (i),
which the noble city, the daughter of Rome (2),
has for many years undergone, and especially at
the time of the Jubilee of the year 1300. How-
ever, for many years I excused myself from
writing on the ground of my own incompetence,
and in the belief that another would write : but at
last, the perils having so multiplied, and the out-
look ( 3 ) having become so significant that silence
might no longer be kept concerning them, I de-
termined to write for the advantage of those who
shall inherit the prosperous years (4), to the end
that they may acknowledge that their benefits are
2 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
from God, who rules and governs throughout all
ages.
i. I.e. the division of the Guelf party in Florence into
the Whites and Blacks.
2. Cf. Dante, Conv. I. 3, 22.
3. The "perils" and " significant outlook " refer to the
threatened overthrow of the supremacy of the Black Guelfs
at Florence by the Emperor Henry VII. {cf. Preliminary
Note).
4. I.e. the prosperous years that may be expected to
follow the pacification of Italy by the Emperor, which
Dino, writing during the course of the Emperor's expedi-
tion into Italy, hoped and confidently expected would be
brought to pass.
BOOK I
CHAPTER I
The author's method of writing. Description of
Florence.
When I began, I purposed writing the truth con-
cerning those things of which I was certain, through
having seen and heard them, because they were things
noteworthy, which in their beginnings no one saw
so clearly as I ; and those things I did not clearly
see, I purposed writing according to hearsay, But
since many, because of their corrupt wills, err in
their speech, and corrupt the truth, I purposed
to write according to the most authentic report.
And in order that strangers may be the better able
to understand the things that happened, I will de-
scribe the fashion of the noble city which is in the
province of Tuscany and under the protection of
the sign of Mars ( i ). It is enriched by a copious
imperial river (2) of sweet water, which divides
it almost in half. The climate is equable, and the
city is sheltered from hurtful winds ; its territory is
scanty in extent, but abounds in good produce. The
citizens are valiant in arms, proud, and quarrelsome.
The city is enriched by unlawful gains (3), and, on
account of its power, is distrusted and ieared, rather
3
4 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
than loved, by the neighbouring towns. Pisa is 40
miles (4) distant from Florence, Lucca 40 miles,
Pistoja 20 miles, Bologna 58 miles, Arezzo 40
miles, Siena 30 miles, San Miniato 20 miles towards
Pisa, Prato 10 miles towards Pistoja, Monte Ac-
cenico 22 miles towards Bologna, Fighine 16 miles
towards Arezzo, Poggibonsi 16 miles towards Siena.
As to all the aforesaid towns, with many other for-
tresses and villages — and in all the directions afore-
said, there are many nobles — counts and captains (5)
— who love rather to see the city in discord than in
peace, and who obey her more from fear than love.
The said city of Florence is very well populated,
and the good air promotes generation. The citizens
are very courteous, and the women very handsome
and well attired. The large houses are very beauti-
ful, and better supplied with comforts and conveni-
ences than those in the other cities of Italy. On
this account many people come from distant lands
to visit the city, not from necessity, but by reason
of her flourishing industries, and for the sake of her
beauty and adornment.
1. See Inferno, xiii. 143-150 n.
2. The Arno is called an "imperial" river, as being a
main stream and not a mere tributary.
3. The "unlawful gains" here spoken of correspond to
the " sudden gains" reprobated by Dante, Inferno, xvi. 73.
4. The Tuscan mile was equal to about 1800 yards.
5. The "counts" stand for the feudal nobles, who held
their fiefs immediately of the Empire ; the " captains," for
the vassals of the "counts." The aim of Florence and the
other city-states of Italy was to bring the feudal nobility of
the surrounding districts under the city government. Cf.
III. 34, n. 5.
THE FIRST BOOK
CHAPTER II
Traditional account of the introduction of the
names of Guelf and Ghibelline into Florence
(1215).
Let her citizens, then, weep for themselves and
their children, since by their arrogance, v/ickedness,
and struggles for office they have undone so noble
a city, have outraged the laws, and in a short time
have bartered away the privileges which their fore-
fathers won by much labour through long years ;
and let them await the justice of God, which by
many tokens is threatening to bring evil upon them,
as upon guilty persons who were free to avoid the
possibility of its overwhelming them (1).
After much hurt had been received in ancient
times through the quarrels of the citizens, there
arose in the said city one quarrel which caused such
division among them that the two parties gave, one
to the other, the two new hostile names of Guelfs
and Ghibellines (2). And the cause of this, in
Florence, was as follows : A young citizen of noble
birth, named Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti, had
promised to marry a daughter of Messer ( 3 ) Oderigo
GiantrufFetti. One day afterwards, as he was passing
the houses of the Donati, a lady, by name Madonna
Aldruda, wife of M. Forteguerra Donati, who had
two very beautiful daughters, saw him from the
balcony of her palace as he was passing, called him,
and showed him one of her daughters. Then she
said to him, " Whom hast thou promised to marry ?
I was keeping this my daughter for thee.,, When
6 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Buondelmonte looked at the girl, she pleased him
well ; but he answered, " I cannot do otherwise
now." But the lady Aldruda said, " Yes, thou
canst, since I will pay the penalty for thee ; " and
Buondelmonte answered, " Then I will have her."
So he was affianced to her, forsaking the other to
whom he had plighted his troth. Wherefore M.
Oderigo complained of this to his kinsmen and
friends, and they determined to be revenged, and
to beat Buondelmonte and do him shame. But
when the Uberti, a very noble and powerful family,
kinsmen of M. Oderigo, heard this, they said they
wished Buondelmonte to be killed, "for" (said
they) "the hatred caused by his being killed will
be no greater than that caused by his being wounded;
a thing done cannot be undone" (4). So they
arranged to slay him on the day he should bring
home his bride ; and so they did. There was
therefore a division amongst the citizens on account
of this murder, and the friends and kinsmen of each
party banded themselves so closely together, that the
division was never healed, whence arose many dis-
sensions, murders, and lights between the citizens.
But since it is not my intention to write of things
long past, because sometimes the truth about them
cannot be ascertained, I will leave them alone. But
I have begun thus in order to open the way to under-
stand the origin in Florence of the accursed parties
of the Guelfs and Ghibellines.
And now we will return to the events of our
own time.
1. In this paragraph Dino alludes to the misgovernment
of the Black Guelfs, with special reference to their intrigues
with Boniface VIII. and Charles of Vaiois (see below, II.
THE FIRST BOOK 7
zff.) ; and the " evil" which he predicts will fall on them is
their subjugation by the Emperor Henry VII. (See Preface,
*• 3- )
2. " New," that is, as to Florence. " The names ' Guelfo,'
' Ghibellino,' are Italianised forms of the German names
Welf and Weiblingen. Of these the former was the name
of an illustrious family, several members of which had suc-
cessively been Dukes of Bavaria in the tenth and eleventh
centuries. . . . Weiblingen was the name of a castle in
Franconia, whence Conrad the Salic (Emperor, 1024-1039)
came, the progenitor, through the female line of the Swabian
Emperors. . . . The accession of Conrad III. of Swabia
(Emperor, 1138-1152) to the imperial throne, and the re-
bellion of Henry the Proud, the Welf Duke of Bavaria, gave
rise to a bloody struggle between the two houses ; and at
the battle of Weinsberg (1140) the names Welf and Weib-
lingen were for the first time adopted as war-cries " (Toynbee,
"Dante Diet. ," s.v. Ghibellini), and subsequently Italian-
ised as above. In Italy the Guelfs were (nominally) the
supporters of the Pope, as protector of the rights of the
Italian city-states. The Ghibellines were (nominally) the
supporters of the Emperor, as protector of the feudal nobility.
But this distinction had but little bearing on practical politics.
' ' Guelfs and Ghibellines are local parties which fight for
local reasons, independent of the struggle between papacy
and empire. To liberty, independence, Italian unity, the
rights of Pope or Emperor, they do not even give a thought.
The 07ily aim that preoccupies them is the control of the
commonwealth, from which they alternately try to exchide
one another. They call themselves Guelfs or Ghibellines,
according as they hope to be helped in their policy by the
Pope or by the Emperor " (Salvemini, Magnati e Popolani
in Fireiize, p. 2).
3. Messer or Messere (abbreviated as M.) was a title
regularly prefixed to the names of knights and doctors of
law. It was also given to cardinals and princes.
4. Mosca was the name of the man who gave this advice.
(See Inferno, xxviii. 106-108; Par. xvi. 136^)
8 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER III
A summary account of the peace between the
Guelfs and Ghibellines effected by the media-
tion of Cardinal Latino, 1279-1280.
In the year of the Incarnation of Christ 1280,
the Guelf party bearing rule in Florence, and the
Ghibellines having been driven out, there issued
from a small source a great stream, namely, from a
small discord amongst the Guelf party a great
concord with the Ghibelline party (1). For,
inasmuch as the Guelfs were suspicious of one
another, and angry words were passing in their
assemblies and councils, the more prudent began
to fear what might come of this, and already to
see signs of what they dreaded (2). (For to-
gether with other nobles a certain noble citizen, a
knight called M. Buonaccorso degli Adimari, a
Guelf, powerful on account of his connections and
rich in estates, had increased in arrogance, and,
heedless of his party's blame, had married his son
— a knight named M. Forese — to a daughter of the
Ghibelline leader, Count Guido Novello of the
house of the Counts Guidi.) For this cause the
Guelfs, after holding many councils of the party,
decided to make peace with the exiled Ghibellines ;
and they wisely agreed to come to terms with them
under the yoke of the Church, in order that the
bonds of the agreement might be maintained by the
Church's power. They secretly contrived also
that the Pope should act as mediator in their dis-
cord ; and at their request he sent M. the Friar
THE FIRST BOOK 9
Latino, a Cardinal (3), to Florence to exhort both
parties to peace. When the Cardinal had arrived,
he asked each party to appoint delegates who should
refer the matter to his award ; and this they did.
And by virtue of this reference he decreed that the
Ghibellines should return to Florence under many
conditions, and in a certain manner, and he assigned
to them the offices outside the city ; while for the
government of the city itself he appointed fourteen
citizens (4), namely, eight Guelfs and six Ghibel-
lines ; and he settled many other matters, imposing
fines on both parties [jn case of the award being
contravened^ , and binding them to give account to
the Church of Rome. And these laws, stipulations
and promises he caused to be written among the
municipal laws of the city. He gave sentence that
the powerful and proud family of the Uberti, with
others of their party, should remain under bounds
(5) for a while, and should enjoy their possessions
like the rest in the places where their families might
be (6) ; furthermore, that to those who should be
suffering the burden of being set under bounds the
Commonwealth should give a certain sum of money
a day, as compensation for their exile ; but less
to those who were not knights than to those who
were.
1. Dino follows the Florentine calendar, in which the
year began on Lady-day. Therefore he makes his starting
point subsequent to all the events related in this chapter ;
for the "great peace" was concluded on Jan. 13, 1280,
which, of course, fell in the year 1279 according to Dino's
computation. Throughout these notes dates are given
according to the ordinary calendar.
2. In this sentence and in the two following Dino glances
at the period from 1267 to 1280, during the whole of which
the Ghibellines had been in exile, their downfall dating from
io CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the defeat and death of Manfred at the battle of Benevento
(1266), which made Charles of Anjou master of Naples and
Sicily, and proved an irreparable disaster to the Ghibelline
cause at Florence (see Villani, vii. 13-15). The dissensions
in the Guelf party belong to the time immediately preceding
the autumn of 1279 (see Villani, vii. 56) ; but the marriage
of Forese degli Adimari to the daughter of Count Guido
Novello took place in 1267, and was one of a series of
matrimonial alliances between Guelf and Ghibelline houses
arranged in the early days of the Guelf supremacy. The
project however failed, owing to the opposition of the popular
element in the Guelf party to the alliance of their nobles
with the Ghibellines, and its only result was to bring about
the expulsion of the Ghibellines (see Villani, vii. 15), and to
foster dissension between the aristocratic and the popular
members of the Guelf party, as Dino intimates. Finally,
Dino returns to the closing months of 1279.
The "assemblies" and "councils" alluded to are not
those of the Commonwealth, but those of the Guelf party
in the narrower sense of the word, viz. an organisation set
up originally to administer the property confiscated from
the Ghibellines in 1267 and following years (see Villani, vii.
17 ; Villari, p. 230). Throughout the period covered by
Dino's narrative this organisation remained under the control
of the Magnates.
3. " Messer the Friar Latino" was Latino Malabranca,
Bishop of Ostia and Velletri, son of the sister of the reigning
Pope, Nicholas III. (Orsini). He had entered the Dominican
order after taking the degree of doctor in canon law at
Paris. He died in 1294.
4. The fourteen citizens were styled Buonuomini (good
men).
5. I.e. they were banished with fixed limits of residence
{confinati).
6. I.e. their confiscated estates were restored to them, and
they were at liberty to enjoy the income from them at their
place of exile, just as those who were allowed to return
enjoyed it at home.
THE FIRST BOOK n
CHAPTER IV
The violation of the settlement of 1280 by the Guelf
nobility, and the consequent institution of the
office of Priors of the Trade-Guilds, or "Arts,"
in 1282.
While both parties were in the city together
enjoying the benefits of the peace, the more power-
ful among the Guelfs began to infringe its terms
from day to day. First they deprived the exiles
of their pay, then they set about electing the officials
without observing the regulations of the peace :
they proclaimed the exiles rebels ( 1 ) ; and their
arrogance rose to such a height that they entirely
deprived the Ghibellines of public office and of
their private rights. Hence the dissension between
them increased. Wherefore certain men, thinking of
what might come of this, went to some of the leaders
of the people ( 2 ) and begged them to remedy this
evil, that the State might not be brought to ruin.
For this cause certain men of the people, approving
the words that had been spoken, called together six
of the popolani, among whom I, Dino Compagni,
was one. Owing to my youth I was not aware of
the serious import of the measures [^proposed]], but
only of my singleness of purpose and of the cause
of the city's becoming unsettled. I spoke on this
subject ; and we succeeded so well in persuading
the citizens, that three of them were elected Heads
of the Guilds to help the merchants and craftsmen
in case of need (3). These were Bartolo di (4)
M. Jacopo de' Bardi, Salvi del Chiaro Girolami, and
12 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Rosso Bacherelli ; and they met in the church of
S. Procolo. The boldness of the popola7ii was so
much increased when they saw that the three officers
of their appointing were not opposed ; and the out-
spoken language of the citizens who talked of their
liberty and of the wrongs they had suffered, so
stirred up the three that they were emboldened to
make ordinances and laws which it would be hard
to evade. Other great things they did not achieve,
but, considering their small beginning, what they did
was much.
This office was created for two months, begin-
ning on the 15th of June 1282 ; and at the end
of the term six citizens were appointed, one for
each sestiero (5), for two months, which began on
the 15th of August 1282. They were called
Priors of the Guilds, and they lived shut up in the
Torre della Castagna (6), close to the Badia, so
that they might not fear the menaces of the nobles.
They might carry arms at all times, and other
privileges were granted them ; and they were given
six servants and six Serjeants.
1. This was in effect a sentence of outlawry such as
would have been incurred by the exiles in case of their
transgressing their limits of residence. See I. 3, n. 5 ;
I. 23 (at the beginning).
2. By the "people" Dino here (and usually elsewhere)
means the traders of the greater guilds (see Appendix II.),
also known as popola?ii, popolani grassi, and collectively
as popolo grasso.
3. The Priors, now first appointed as Heads of the
Guilds in general, presently became the supreme autho-
rity in the state. See Appendix II. ; cf. Villani's account
(vii. 79). The fourteen Buo?iuomi?ii (I. 3, n. 4) continued
to hold office together with the newly created Priors, but
without effective power, and at last disappeared.
THE FIRST BOOK
4. The preposition di (of) in proper names means
" son of."
5. Florence was divided into six districts called Sesti or
Sestieri, viz. Oltrarno \i.e. that part of the city on the left
bank of the Arno), S. Pancrazio, S. Piero Scheraggio, Borgo,
Porta del Duomo, and Por ( = Porta) S. Piero. Each sesto
had, in civil actions, its own court and judge of first instance,
with an appeal to the Judge of Appeals (always a foreign
doctor of law) ; and in the event of the decision of the court
of the sesto being reversed, a further appeal to the court
of the Podesta (see Appendix II.).
6. This tower is still standing in the Piazza di S. Mar-
tino. The Abbey (Badia) of Florence belonged to the
Benedictines, and was founded in the tenth century by the
Countess Willa, mother of Hugh, Margrave of Tuscany
(see II. 12, //. 2).
CHAPTER V
The beginning of the Priors' administration is
marked by judicial corruption and financial
malversation in the interest of the Guelf nobi-
lity and their connections among the Popolani.
The laws imposed on the Priors were in effect to
safeguard the property of the Commonwealth, to
provide that the judicial authorities should do right
to every one, and to prevent the small and helpless
from being oppressed by the great and powerful.
And had the Priors acted on these principles it
would have been of great benefit to the people.
But soon there came a change, for the citizens who
entered on this office sought not to observe the laws
but to corrupt them. If a friend or kinsman of
theirs incurred a penaltv, they connived with the
magistrates ( 1 ) and officials to hide his guilt, so
that he might go unpunished. Nor did they pro-
B
i4 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
tect the property of the Commonwealth, but sought
means how best they might rob it, and so they
drew much money from the treasury of the Com-
monwealth on the pretext of rewarding the men
who had served it. The helpless were not helped,
but were oppressed by the nobles and by the wealthy
traders who held office and were connected with the
nobles by marriage : and many were shielded by
bribery from the penalties due to the Commonwealth
which they had incurred. Therefore the good
citizens among the popolani were discontented, and
blamed the Priors' office because the Guelf nobles
controlled the government.
i. Lit. " lordships " [signorie). By the " lordships " are
meant the Podesta and the Captain (see Appendix II.).
CHAPTER VI
In this and the following four chapters Dino touches
on the origin and progress of the war between
Florence and Arezzo in 1288-1289, which, as its
result was the strengthening of the Guelf party
in Tuscany, has a bearing on the subsequent
division of the party in Florence, the main
subject of the work.
At that time the government of Arezzo was shared
equally by the Guelf and Ghibelline nobles, who
had sworn a lasting peace with one another.
Wherefore the people (1) rose and put at their
head a citizen of Lucca, with the title of Prior.
He led the people very prosperously, and com-
pelled the nobles to obey the laws. But they
THE FIRST BOOK 15
conspired together and upset the popular govern-
ment ; and seized the Prior and thrust him into
a cistern ; and there he died. The Guelfs of
Arezzo [had been] urged on by the Guelf party
of Florence to try to seize the government, but
whether because they knew not how to do it, or
because they could not do it, the Ghibellines per-
ceived their design and drove them out. They
came to Florence to complain of their adversaries :
those who had counselled them [to revolt] received
them, and undertook to help them. But the
Ghibellines, unmoved either by embassies or by
threats from Florence, did not receive them back,
but summoned (2) the Uberti, the Pazzi of Val-
darno, the Ubertini, and the Bishop (who was one
of the Pazzi) ( 3 ), a proud and ambitious man, who
understood the business of war better than that of
the Church. A dispute had previously arisen be-
tween him and the Sienese on account of one of his
fortresses (4) which they had taken from him, and
the dispute had been referred for settlement to the
Guelf party at Florence ; and as that party desired
to aid the Sienese and the exiles from Arezzo by
falling out with the Bishop, great discord was pro-
duced between the Florentines and the Bishop with
the Ghibellines. Hence ensued in 1289 the third
war of the Florentines in Tuscany (5).
1. By the people are to be understood the wealthier
traders, as above, c. 4, where see note (2). The term popular
government (popolo) just below is to be taken in a similarly
limited sense. The trade of Arezzo was comparatively un-
important ; the feudal nobility were still powerful, and hence
the city was on the whole Ghibelline (see above, c. 2, n. 2).
2. The word used [richiedere] implies a summons to send
troops.
16 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
3. The Bishop of Arezzo, whose name was Guglielmino,
belonged to the Ubertini family, though he was also con-
nected with the Pazzi.
4. The name of the fortress was Poggio S. Cecilia ; and
the Bishop of Arezzo had caused it to rebel against the
Sienese, to whom it belonged (see G. Villani, vii. no).
5. Dino means, not that Florence had only had to wage
war twice in Tuscany, for she had been engaged in many
previous wars, but that Arezzo was the third of the chief
cities in Tuscany (the other two being Pisa and Siena)
against which war had been declared by the Commonwealth
of Florence. The war with Arezzo began in the spring of
1288 ; it was renewed and terminated by the campaign of
1289. As Dino is more concerned to unfold its conse-
quences than to describe it minutely, he passes over its
earlier stages, for details of which see G. Villani, vii. 120,
124, 127.
CHAPTER VII
Preparations for war on both sides, 1289.
The powerful Florentine Guelfs had a great
desire to attack Arezzo ; but to many others —
popolani — this did not seem fitting, both because
they considered the enterprise was not just, and
because of the indignation they felt against them
(the nobles) with regard to office (1). Never-
theless they (2) hired a captain, called M. Valdo-
vino of Soppino, with 400 horsemen ; but the Pope
detained him, and therefore he did not come (3).
The Aretines summoned many noble and power-
ful Ghibellines from Romagna, from the March [of
Ancona]] and from Orvieto ; they displayed great
boldness in desiring battle, and prepared to defend
their city and to seize the most advantageous posi-
tions on the enemy's line of march. The Floren-
tines summoned the Pistojans, the Lucchese, the
THE FIRST BOOK 17
Bolognese, the Sienese, the Sanminiatese (4), and
Mainardo of Susinana (5), a famous captain, who
had taken to wife one of the Tosinghi. At that
time King Charles of Sicily came to Florence on
his way to Rome (6), and was in honourable
fashion presented with gifts by the Common-
wealth, and entertained with races and tilting (7).
The Guelfs requested him to grant them a cap-
tain, together with his royal standard (8) ; and he
[^accordingly ~] left them one of his barons and
noblemen, M. Amerigo of Narbonne, who was
young and very handsome, but inexperienced in
deeds of arms. His tutor, however, an aged
knight (9), remained with him, besides many other
knights tried and expert in war, who had high pay
and ample provision.
1. It will be remembered that the Guelf nobles and their
connections among the popolani had, as we should say,
"captured" the machinery of the government, and were
working the newly-established Priorate against the bulk of
the popolani (I. 5).
2. " They" stands for the Florentine Guelfs, both nobles
and popola?ii — the Florentine government, in short.
3. The Pope was Nicholas IV. (1288-1292). He had been
Minister-General of the Franciscan order, and was a sup-
porter of the Ghibellines (see Villani, vii. 119). This need
cause no surprise, for the connection between the Papacy
and the Guelfs was not an affair of principle, or even of
sentiment, but sprang merely from the fact that their in-
terests had happened to coincide. During the long struggle
of the Emperor Frederick II. (1220-1250) to make himself
master of Northern and Central Italy, it had been of vital
importance to the development of the Guelf city-states to
shake off the feudal yoke of the Emperor, and of equally
vital importance to the Papacy that Frederick, already
established in Naples and Sicily (the Norman kingdom he
had inherited from his mother), should not likewise be pre-
dominant in Northern and Central Italy. But in 1289 the
situation was entirely changed. The kingdom of Naples
18 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
had passed into the hands of Charles II. of Anjou (see note 6
to this chapter), as the successor of his father, Charles I.,
who had conquered it from the descendants of Frederick II.,
the last of whom, Conradin, he had beheaded in 1268.
Florence was now the most powerful state in Tuscany, a
region which, since the famous bequest of the Countess
Matilda, the Popes had (to say the least) considered to be
within their sphere of influence : and Florence, which had
been in the closest connection with Charles I., was about
to welcome Charles II. within her walls. It is therefore
easy to see why Pope Nicholas did not wish Florence to be
too strong. Baldovino of Soppino (or Supino) was one of
the barons of the Campagna of Rome, and therefore a
subject of the Pope.
4. The Sanminiatese were the people of S. Miniato al
Tedesco, a fortress in the lower valley of the Arno be-
tween Empoli and Pisa. It had been, during the reign of
Frederick II., the residence of the imperial vicar in Tuscany.
5. Mainardo , or Maghinardo Pagani of Susinana (a moun-
tain fortress on the borders of Tuscany and Ro magna), was
a great Ghibelline potentate, but aided the Commonwealth
of Florence out of gratitude for their protection of him
during his minority, he having been entrusted to their
guardianship by his father. His valour earned him the
nickname of the " devil." (See Purg. xiv. 118 ; Inf. xxvii.
50; and G. Villani, vii. 149.) He died at Imola in 1302.
The family of the Tosinghi, or della Tosa, here first men-
tioned, will come prominently before us later.
6. This was Charles II. of Anjou (known as " the lame "J,
son of Charles I. by Beatrice of Provence. He was born in
1243. At the time of his father's death (1285) he was a prisoner
in Spain, having been defeated and captured in an action
with the fleet of Peter III. of Aragon in 1284 (see Purg. xx.
79), when on his way from Provence to help his father to
recover Sicily, which had revolted in consequence of the
" Sicilian Vespers" in 1282. In 1288 he was released from
captivity through the intervention of Edward I. of Eng-
land, and was now going to his coronation, which took
place at Rieti, at the hands of the Pope, on June 19. He
styled himself King of Sicily and Apulia (i.e. the "Two
Sicilies," over which his father had ruled), but the island had
now passed under the rule of the House of Aragon.
7. The word translated "races" is palio, which, strictly
speaking, meant a piece of velvet or brocade given as a
prize to the winner, and was then by extension used of the
race itself. The word translated tilting (armeggerie) refers
THE FIRST BOOK 19
to a kind of trick-riding by young nobles in gay uniforms
(armeggiatori), who were armed with lances, and tilted at
a wooden image of a Saracen.
8. After the return of the Guelfs to Florence in 1267 the
lordship of the city was conferred on Charles I. of Anjou for
ten years, and during this time they fought under his royal
standard. Charles II. now confirmed this privilege, and the
royal standard of the Angevins was ever afterwards used as
the principal ensign of the army of the Commonwealth.
(Villani, vii. 124.)
9. The name of the " aged knight " was William of Dur-<
fort. He was killed in the battle, as stated below (I. 10),
and his tomb is still to be seen in the cloister of the church
of the SS. Annunziata in Florence. (See Del Lungo, Dante
nei tempi di Dante, pp. 135 ff.)
CHAPTER VIII
The Bishop of Arezzo attempts to make his own
terms with Florence, but his design is frustrated
by the Aretines (1289).
The Bishop of Arezzo, considering, like a wise
man, what the consequences of the war might be
to him, sought to bargain with the Florentines
and to quit Arezzo with all his family, assigning to
them his episcopal fortresses as pledges ( 1 ) ; and
as compensation for the revenues and the feudal
services of the vassals he wanted 3000 florins a
year, to be guaranteed by M. Vieri de' Cerchi, a
very wealthy citizen. But the Priors who were
in office at the time — from the 15th of April to the
15th of June, 1289 — were at great variance with
one another. They were M. Ruggieri of Cuona,
doctor of law (2) ; M. Jacopo of Certaldo, doctor
of law ; Bernardo di M. Manfredi Adimari,
Pagno Bordoni, Dino Compagni, the author of
this Chronicle ; and Dino di Giovanni, surnamed
20 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Pecora. The cause of the disagreement was
that some of them wanted to get the Bishop's
fortresses, and especially Bibbiena, which was a
fine fortress and strongly built, while others did
not ; and they ( 3 ) were averse to the war, consider-
ing the evil consequences which war involves. At
length, however, they all consented to take over
the fortresses, but not in order to dismantle them
(4) ; and they agreed to empower Dino Compagni,
because he was a good and wise man (5), to act
in the matter as he might think fit. He sent for
M. Durazzo, who had recently been knighted by
the bishop (6), and charged him to make the best
terms with the bishop that he could. In the
meantime the Bishop of Arezzo had reflected that
if he were to consent to the agreement he would be
a traitor ; and therefore he assembled the chiefs of
his party and urged them to come to terms with the
Florentines, affirming that for his part he did not
wish Bibbiena to be lost, but rather that it should
be strengthened and defended: if they refused, he
should come to terms with them himself. The
Aretines, enraged at his words, for all their scheme
was frustrated (7), determined to have him slain ;
but Guglielmo de' Pazzi, a kinsman of the bishop,
who was present at the council, said that he would
have been well satisfied if they had done it without
his knowledge, but as he had been asked to do it,
he would not consent, for he would not be a
murderer of his own blood. They then decided
to take Bibbiena themselves, and, like desperate
men, prepared to do so without further deliberation.
1. He proposed to make over the lordship and re-
venues of the fortresses to the Florentines for a stated
THE FIRST BOOK 21
time to be retained by them as a pledge that he would not
make war against them ; and he further proposed to leave
Arezzo with all his kindred, and thus deprive that city and
the Ghibelline party of a considerable part of their strength
(cf. G. Villani, vii. 131).
2. Giudice. "Judge" is not an apt rendering of this
word, for there was nothing at Florence like our judicial
bench, whose members are entirely separated from the
rest of the profession. The giudici were doctors of law,
and answered to our barristers. They might indeed hold
judicial or quasi-judicial appointments, but only for brief
and limited periods. The judges of the courts of the
Sesti (see I. 4, n. 5) for instance were changed every six
months. Similarly the giudici, who were employed as a
kind of assessors in the Court of the Podesta and Captain,
only held office during the six months' term of those
magistrates (see Appendix II.).
3. It was those who wanted to secure the fortresses who
disapproved of the war, against the danger of which they
conceived that the possession of the fortresses would be a
protection.
4. There were, therefore, as Del Lungo points out, three
alternatives advocated : (a) to get the fortresses and main-
tain them as such ; (b) to get the fortresses and dismantle
them ; (c) to refuse to deal with the bishop, and go on with
the war.
5. Buono e savio. These epithets must not be pushed
too far ; they form part of the conventional phraseology of
the time. "Good," for instance, is frequently used by
Dino as pretty nearly equivalent to "of good standing or
position," " substantial," or the like, with little or no refer-
ence to morality (see III. 15, n. 10, and cf. I. 3, n. 4).
6. M. Durazzo was the son of M. Guidalotto de' Vecchi-
etti. Knighthood might be conferred (a) by knights ; (b)
by kings, princes, or great barons, even though not knights
(as in this case) ; (c) by Commonwealths and Republics,
who appointed some knight to confer the honour on their
behalf.
7. It seems, says Del Lungo, that the Aretines would
have allowed the fortresses in question to be taken by the
Florentine army, perhaps with the idea of wearing them
out by a succession of sieges, and so avoiding a pitched
battle in which they would have been outnumbered.
22 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER IX
The Florentines decide to set out against the
Aretines by way of the Casentino. Arrival
of the allied troops at Florence.
When their decision was known among the
Florentines, the captains and those that had control
of the war held a council in the church of S.
Giovanni, to consider the best way to go, so that
the army might be supplied with what was neces-
sary. Some recommended the way by Valdarno,
inasmuch as if they went by another, the Aretines
might raid this district and burn the large houses of
the Contado (i). Others recommended the way
through the Casentino (2), saying it was a better
route, and assigning many reasons for preferring it.
A wise old man named Orlando of Chiusi, and
Sasso of Murlo (3), who were great feudal lords,
being anxious about their weak fortresses, gave as
their advice that this way should be taken, fearing
lest, if another were taken, these might be destroyed
by the Aretines, for they were in their territory ;
and M. Rinaldo de' Bostoli, one of the Aretine
exiles, agreed with them. There were many
speakers ; the secret ballot was taken ; the route by
Casentino gained the majority, and notwithstanding
it was the more doubtful and dangerous way, it
turned out for the best.
Having come to this decision the Florentines
welcomed their allies, who were the Bolognese
with 200 horsemen, the Lucchese with 200, the
Pistojans with 200, over whom M. Corso Donatio
THE FIRST BOOK 23
a Florentine knight (4), was captain ; Mainardo of
Susinana with 20 horsemen and 300 foot soldiers,
M. Malpiglio Ciccioni with 25, and M. Barone
Mangiadori of Sanminiato ; the Squarcialupi, the
Colligiani (5) and others from fortresses in Valdelsa,
so that the number was 1300 horsemen and a great
many foot-soldiers.
1. A considerable part of the Contado, or outlying terri-
tory of Florence, lay in this direction. (See next note.)
2. The Arno rises in Falterona, a peak in the Apennines
{Purg. xiv. 17), at a latitude somewhat to the N. of that
of Florence, and flows S.E. through the narrow valley of
the Casentino to a point within a few miles of Arezzo, when
it turns abruptly to the N.W. , flowing in this direction as
far as Pontassieve, where the Sieve falls into it. This part
of its course is what is referred to as Valdarno, and it is
parallel to the Casentino, from which it is separated by the
lofty range of Pratomagno. The choice of the Casentino
route involved the crossing of the northern part of this
range {cf. beginning of the next chapter).
3. Chiusi was a village in the Casentino, not to be con-
founded with the better known Chiusi in the Val di Chiana,
midway between Florence and Rome. Murlowas a strong-
hold some four miles from Arezzo.
4. M. Corso Donati, later on one of the principal charac-
ters in Dino's history, was at this time Podesta of Pistoja.
The words "over whom" refer to the Bolognese and
Lucchese as well as the Pistojans.
5. I.e. the citizens of Colle di Valdelsa, which was about
ten miles N.W. of Siena.
CHAPTER X
Battle of Campaldino. The Florentines fail to
take full advantage of their victory (1289).
On the day appointed the Florentine army set out
to invade the enemy's territory, and passed through
Casentino along bad roads, where, if they had
24 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
found the enemy, they would have received great
hurt. But God did not permit this. And arriving
near Bibbiena, at a place called Campaldino, where
the enemy was, they halted there and set themselves
in battle array. The captains of the war (i) placed
the picked cavalry (2) in front of the main body,
and those armed with large shields bearing the
red lily on a white ground (3) were drawn up to
support them. Then the Bishop, who was short-
sighted, asked, " What walls are those ? " and
received the answer, "The enemy's shields."
M. Barone de' Mangiadori of Saminiato, a bold
knight and experienced in deeds of arms, assembled
the men-at-arms (4) and addressed them thus:
" Sirs, the wars in Tuscany were wont to be won
by attacking well, and they did not last long, and
few men lost their lives in them, since it was not
the custom to slay them. Now the manner is
changed, and victory comes by standing steady. I
therefore counsel you to stand firm and to leave the
attack to them." This they prepared to do. The
Aretines attacked the army so vigorously and with
such force that the main body of the Florentines
fell back some distance. The battle was very fierce
and stubborn. New knights had been made on both
sides. M. Corso Donati, with the troop of Pisto-
jans, assailed the enemy's flank ; arrows fell like
rain ; the Aretines had few of these, and were
taken in flank, where they were uncovered (5).
The sky was covered with clouds, and the dust
was very great. The Aretine foot-soldiers crawled,
knife in hand, under the bellies of the horses and
disembowelled them ; and some of their picked
cavalry rushed forward so eagerly, that many of
THE FIRST BOOK 25
both sides were slain in the midst of the [Floren-
tine] main body. Many who hitherto had been
esteemed for their prowess proved cowards that
day, and many distinguished themselves of whom
formerly no mention had been made. Great praise
was won by the captain's tutor (6), who was slain
there. M. Bindo del Baschiera Tosinghi was
wounded, and therefore returned to Florence, but
died within a few days. On the enemy's side
there were slain the Bishop, and M. Guglielmo
de' Pazzi, a bold knight, Buonconte (7), and Loccio
of Montefeltri, and other brave men. Count
Guido did not await the end, but departed without
striking a blow. M. Vieri de' Cerchi, with one
of his sons, a knight, at his side, acquitted himself
right well. The Aretines were defeated, not owing
to cowardice or want of valour, but by the over-
whelming number of their enemies, who put them
to flight, and slew them in the pursuit. The Floren-
tine mercenaries, who were accustomed to carnage,
massacred them, and the auxiliaries (8) had no pity.
M. Talano Adimari and his followers hastened
home (9). Many of the Florentine mounted citi-
zens remained inactive (10) ; many knew nothing
until the enemy were defeated.
They did not rush to Arezzo in the full tide of
victory ; for they expected to secure the place with
little trouble. The Captain and the young knights,
who were in need of rest, thought they had done
enough by winning the battle, without pursuing the
enemy (n).
They captured many flags from the enemy and
many prisoners ; and they slew many of them,
which brought loss on all Tuscany.
26 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
The said defeat was on the nth of June, S.
Barnabas' Day, at a place called Campaldino, near
Poppi (12). After the said victory, however, all
the Guelfs did not return to Arezzo ; but some
ventured to do so, and they were told that if they
wished to remain there, they might do as they
pleased. Peace was not made between the Floren-
tines and the Aretines ; but the Florentines kept
the fortresses they had taken, namely, Castiglione,
Laterina, Civitella, Rondine., and several others ;
and some of them they destroyed. A short time
after, the Florentines sent back troops to Arezzo,
and encamped against it ; and two of the Priors
went there. And on S. John's Day they caused
a race to be run there ; and they attacked the
town, and burned what they found in the outlying
territory. After that they went to Bibbiena, took
the place and destroyed the walls.
Those two (I mean the two Priors) were much
blamed for having gone to join the army, because
it was not their business, but that of nobles accus-
tomed to war. After this the Florentines returned
home, having gained little advantage, for the ex-
pedition had involved heavy expenditure, together
with personal hardships (13).
1. " Captains of the war " was the title given to certain
citizens who were appointed to superintend the conduct of
the war, both at Florence, where some of them remained,
and at the front, whither the others proceeded. The latter
were under the orders of the "Captain-General of the
War," or, as we should say, the Commander-in-Chief (in
this case M. Amerigo of Nar bonne (above, c. 7)), and of
the Podesta (see Appendix II.), in this case M. Ugolino
Rossi of Parma. Failing them the "Captains of the War "
would take their place.
THE FIRST BOOK 27
2. The ' ' picked cavalry " (fedilori, or feritori) consisted
of nobles, and their duty was to begin the fight. On this
occasion twenty new-made knights were among them.
(See below, and Villani, vii. 131)-
3. The shields (palvesi, or pavesi) were made of light
wood or wickerwork covered with leather, and were large
enough almost entirely to cover the bearer (palvesaro).
The "red lily on a white ground" was the arms of the
Commonwealth (see Par. xvi. 154; Villani, vi. 43), but the
reference here is to the devices borne by the palvesari,
some of whom bore the white lily on a red ground. (See
Villani, vi. 40.)
4. " Men-at-arms" was the name of a body of nobles on
horseback. Dante, who in all probability was present at
this battle, is believed to have served in this particular
force.
5. Through the misbehaviour of Guido Novello, of the
Counts Guidi (see below in this chapter).
6. See I. 7, n. 9.
7. Son of the famous Ghibelline captain, Guido of Monte-
feltro. (SeePurg. v. 88/:)
8. / villani. Irregular troops from the towns and villages
of Tuscany. (Cf. I. 21, n. 8.)
9. I.e. to Florence in order to join the army; but the
campaign was already over. In this sentence Dino means
to indicate the extreme rapidity of the march of events.
The Adimari were one of the chief Guelf families.
10. Because they had not had time to get their horses
ready. The phrase rendered "mounted citizens" means
literally " citizens liable to the cavallata," i.e. bound to fur-
nish one or more horses [cavalli) for the service of the state.
Those liable to this service received a yearly salary which
varied in amount. (See III. 2, n. 13.)
11. The pursuit was apparently left to the mercenaries
and irregular troops.
12. The site of the battle is rather less than half-way
down the Casentino.
13. The statement that the Florentines "gained little
advantage " applies to the operations subsequent to the
battle of Campaldino. But in spite of the inefficient
conduct of the siege of Arezzo (see Villani, vii. 132), the
victory of Campaldino proved a deadly blow to the Ghibel-
line cause, and, as we shall see, produced most important
effects on the course of affairs in Florence.
28 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XI
The nobles, elated by the part they had taken in
the battle of Campaldino, commit outrages
against the Popolani. The latter, under the
leadership of Giano della Bella, enact the
Ordinances of Justice (1293). Statement of
the leading provisions of the Ordinances.
After the return of the citizens to Florence, the
Commonwealth maintained itself for some years in
power and prosperity. But the nobles and magnates
of the city waxed arrogant, and did many wrongs
to the popolani by beating them and putting other
insults upon them. Wherefore many worthy citi-
zens among the popolani and merchants strengthened
the popular government (1). Among these was a
prominent and influential citizen named Giano della
Bella, a wise, good, and worthy man, of high spirit
and of good family, who resented the outrages com-
mitted by the nobles. He having recently been
chosen as one of the Priors, who entered on their
office on February 15, 1292 (2), had constituted
himself head and leader of the movement, and was
supported by the popolani and by his colleagues. And
the Priors added one to their number, to hold equal
authority with the rest, whom they called Gon-
falonier of Justice (he was Baldo RufFoli, for the
Sesto of Porta di Duomo (3))? to whom was to be
committed a standard with the arms of the people (4)
— that is the red cross on a white ground — and a
thousand foot-soldiers, all armed and bearing the
said ensign or device, who were to be ready at
THE FIRST BOOK 29
every call of the said Gonfalonier in any open place
in the city, or wherever need might require (5).
And they made laws, which were called Ordinances
of Justice, against those Magnates who should
commit outrages against the popolani ; and it was
enacted that one kinsman should be answerable
for another (6), and that the crimes might be
proved by public report, established by two wit-
nesses (7). They decided, moreover, that all the
members of any family which had had knights
among its members should be accounted Mag-
nates (8), and that such persons should be ineligible
for the office of Prior, or Gonfalonier of Justice,
or for their Colleges (9). These families were in
all . . . in number (10). And they further decreed
that the outgoing Priors, with certain men added to
their number (11), should elect the new ones. And
they bound the twenty-one Guilds to observe these
laws, granting certain powers to the consuls of the
Guilds (12).
t. By " the popular government " is meant the system of
government by the Priors of the Guilds instituted in 1282
(see above, Chap. IV. ).
2. 1293, New Style {cf. above, Chap. III. n. 1). Giano
sprang from a noble Ghibelline family (see Par. xvi. 131,
132 n.). It might be supposed from a perusal of this
chapter that the whole of the legislation described in it
dated from the Priorate of Giano. It is therefore important
to bear in mind that the Ordinances of Justice, in their
original form, had become law on January 18, 1293, before
the Priorate of Giano ; that they were, as to some of their
provisions, a re-enactment of previously existing laws (see
below, notes 6, 8), and that one of the most important
of the provisions singled out for notice by Dino was sub-
sequent to Giano's priorate (see below, n. 9). Giano was,
however, the leader of the movement which resulted in this
legislation, and this may very probably be the reason why
Dino groups it all under his priorate (cf. II. 25, ?i. 13).
C
3o CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
3. We have seen (I. 4) that one Prior was chosen from
each Sesto. Similarly, the Gonfalonier was chosen from
each Sesto in rotation, so that in every year each Sesto fur-
nished one Gonfalonier. The Priors and Gonfalonier were
henceforth collectively known as the Signory. The office of
Gonfalonier was not an absolute novelty, two officers with
similar functions having been instituted in 1289 (Salvemini,
Magnati e Popolani, p. 157). These were now abolished.
4. Not the arms of the Commonwealth (see I. 10, n. 3),
but a device invented for this officer and his men, whose
business it was to enforce obedience to the Ordinances.
5. In April 1293 the force under the Gonfalonier's orders
was raised to 2000 men, and there was added to it a com-
pany of 200 workmen to carry out effectively the destruction
of the property of magnates who had incurred this penalty.
At the end of the same year the force was raised to 4000
men.
6. The first law compelling Magnates to give security
against the commission of crimes was passed in March
1281. This statute was amended and extended in October
1286, when it was enacted that all males between the ages
of fifteen and seventy of all families contained in a list
appended to the statute, were made responsible for the good
behaviour of themselves, their sons, and brothers, and be-
came bound with their sureties in a penalty of 2000 lire to
the fulfilment of a long series of promises [e.g. not to assault
any person of the city or Contado of Florence or elsewhere).
In case of a Magnate refusing to give the required security,
his father or brother was to be compelled to do so. During
the Priorate of Giano it was enacted, that if a Magnate liable
to give security, as above, refused to do so, his father, or sons,
or brothers by the same father, or uncles, or nephews, or
father's father were to be compelled to do so. This is the
enactment referred to by Dino, when he speaks of "one
kinsman being made answerable for another " ; and its effect,
so far, was (as Salvemini observes) only to extend by one
degree in the ascending and descending lines, the liability
to give security for a Magnate refusing to give it. But it
was further enacted by the same law, that if a magnate
refusing to give security committed a crime, the kinsmen
who were made liable, and, failing them, their sureties,
should pay the same fine as if they had committed the crime,
and the criminal himself was outlawed ; and, if the punish-
ment of the crime was death, the kinsmen (in the order
above stated) were liable to a fine of 3000 lire.
7. The requirement of proof by two witnesses only to
THE FIRST BOOK 31
establish public report, was enacted in reference to injuries to
property by the Ordinances of January 18, 1293. In case of
injuries to person, the number of witnesses required to prove
public report was not stated, but by subsequent legislation
was also fixed at two. By the revised Ordinances of 1295
(see I. 18, n. 1), the number was raised to three, in case of
injury to person. The evidence as to public report had to
be supported by the oath of the injured party if living, or,
if dead, by that of his nearest relatives.
8. By the law compelling Magnates to give security, passed
in 1286 (above, n. 6), or possibly by some other law passed
before 1293, it was enacted that those families should be
deemed Magnates' families among whose members there had
been a knight within twenty years preceding the enactment.
It appears that some Magnates' families, included in the list
contained in that enactment, had succeeded in getting
exempt from the necessity of giving security ; and in the
Ordinances of January 18, 1293, the exemption was recog-
nised, and the families in question were declared to be not
Magnates, but popolani. But during the Priorate of Giano
the exemption was disallowed, and knighthood within twenty
years previously was reimposed as a test to determine what
families were to be deemed Magnates' families ; and the de-
finitive list of such families was compiled. From this time
the term nobles or magnates acquired a statutory meaning,
viz. any family which fell within the statutory definition of
a Magnate's family. Under this enactment a certain number
of popolano families became Magnates in the statutory sense
of being subject to the penalties and disabilities imposed by
the Ordinances.
9. This enactment was subsequent to the Priorate of
Giano, but its date is unknown. Under the Ordinances of
January 18, 1293, Magnates had been excluded from the
Councils of the Hundred Men, the Councils of the Captain,
and the Capitudini of all the Guilds (see Appendix II.).
The "colleges" here mentioned were bodies of citizens
which shared in the deliberations of the Signory, especially
(a) the Council of the Gonfalonier, a body of six popolani
appointed by the incoming Signory ; (b) the Gonfaloniers of
the Companies (see II. 22, n. 4).
10. The number is left blank in most of the MSS. The
number of Magnates' families was probably thirty-eight at
the time of the passing of the Ordinances of January 18, 1293,
and was probably raised to seventy-two in consequence of
the enactment under the Priorate of Giano, referred to in n, 8
(Salvemini, 200, 201).
32 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
ii. Arroti (past participle of arrogere, to add). These
comprised the consuls of the greater .Guilds (see Appendix
II.), together with a number of popolani chosen by the retir-
ing Signory (see II. 12).
12. The Guild-consuls were empowered by the Ordi-
nances, at the request of any member of a Guild who had
been outraged by a Magnate, to go before the Priors or any
other of the executive officers of the Commonwealth, and
demand redress.
CHAPTER XII
The dominant Popolani, hounded on by Giano della
Bella, exasperate the Magnates by their rigorous
administration of the Ordinances (1293).
The accursed lawyers began to cavil at these laws,
which had been drafted by M. Donato di M.
Alberto Ristori, M. Ubertino dello Strozza, and
M. Baldo Aguglioni (1). They alleged that
whereas it was ordained that crimes should be
effectively punished, the punishment was extended
so as to injure the enemies [of the aggrieved party]
(2) ; that the laws were a cause of alarm to the
Magistrates, so that if the injured person was a
Ghibelline the judge became Ghibelline also, and
that it was the same in the case of a Guelf (3) ;
and that the men of the Magnates' families did not
accuse their own kinsmen for fear of incurring the
penalties. [But J there were few crimes hidden
[by the Magnates] which were not discovered
by their adversaries, and many such crimes were
punished according to the law. The Galigai fur-
nished the first example of this (4). For a man
of that family committed an outrage in France
against two sons of a well-known merchant, named
THE FIRST BOOK 33
Ugolino Benivieni, for they had had words to-
gether, in consequence of which one of the brothers
was wounded by that member of the Galigai family,
so that he died. And I, Dino Compagni, being
myself Gonfalonier of Justice in 1293, went to their
houses and to those of their kinsmen, and caused
the former to be pulled down according to the
law. This beginning led to an evil custom under
subsequent Gonfaloniers, because when under the
law they demolished houses, the popolani said that
they were cowardly if they did not carry out the
business very thoroughly (5). Thus many [Gon-
faloniers]] perverted justice through fear of the
popolani. It happened [for instance]] that a son
of M. Buondelmonte had committed a murder ;
and his houses were destroyed in such circumstances
that he was compensated for it afterwards.
The arrogance of the evil men [among the
popolani~\ increased greatly, because the Magnates
were punished when they had incurred penalties ;
for the Magistrates feared to violate the laws, which
required them to punish effectually. This " effec-
tual punishment " was carried to such a length that
the Magistrates feared that if a man who had been
accused remained unpunished, the Magistrate [in
that case] would have no defence or excuse in the
eye of the law ; for which cause no accused person
remained unpunished. The Magnates therefore
complained loudly of the laws, and said to those
who carried them out, " If a horse is running along
and hits a popolano in the face with its tail ; or if in
a crowd one man gives another a blow in the chest
without intending harm ; or if some children of
tender age begin quarrelling, an accusation will be
34 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
made. But ought men to have their houses and
property destroyed for such trifles as these ? "
The aforesaid Giano della Bella, a man intrepid
and of high spirit, was so bold that he defended
things which others abandoned, and spoke of things
whereon others kept silence ; and he did his utmost
in favour of justice against the guilty ; and so
greatly was he dreaded by the Magistrates that
they feared to conceal the crimes (6). The Mag-
nates began to speak against him, accusing him in
threatening terms of doing these things, not for the
sake of justice, but to bring about his enemies' death,
and abusing him and the laws ; and wherever they
happened to be they threatened to cut in pieces
the popolani who were in power. Certain therefore
who heard them reported it to the popolani) who
began to be exasperated, and in dread and indigna-
tion increased the severity of the laws (7), so that
every one lived in fear. The leaders of the popolani
were the Magalotti, because these had always been
their helpers ; and they had a great following and
drew round them many families who were of the
same way of thinking ; many amongst the smaller
trades-people (8) also gathered round them.
1. On M. Baldo Aguglioni (more properly d'Aguglione),
(see I. 19 ; II. 23, n. 4), Dino here hints at an understanding
(expressly stated by G. Villani, viii. 8) between the guild of
the lawyers and the Magnates. This guild, consisting of
professional men (see Villari, 312, 313) differed from all the
others, which were composed of traders, and its members
formed no small part of the intellectual aristocracy of the
city. In political affairs they occupied an intermediate
position between the Magnates and popolani, sometimes
being found on one side, sometimes on the other (Salvemini,
p. 73). Hence it is not surprising that the traders looked
upon the lawyers with some ill-will, a feeling which Dino, a
THE FIRST BOOK 35
typical popolano, evidently shared, and which was streng-
thened on this occasion by the circumstance that the popo-
lani had been obliged to resort to these three lawyers to get
their Ordinances drafted.
2. I.e. even if they happened to be innocent of the crime
for which the punishment was inflicted. The insinuation
was that the provision for the personal responsibility of all
the members of a family, in the case of an outrage by one
of them, caused the administration of justice to become
an engine for gratifying private spite against innocent
persons.
3. The lawyers' insinuation here is, that the penalties
imposed on the Magistrates [i.e. the Podesta and Captain,
see Appendix II. ), in case of their neglecting to put the Ordi-
nances in force, were so severe that in order to escape any
imputation of remissness they acted recklessly and with
partiality in condemning the Magnates.
4. I.e. of a crime which the Magnates had attempted to
hide, but which had been brought to light by their enemies
the popolani. Dino here answers the last of the " cavils"
by saying, " It may be true, as you say, that the Magnates
tried to hide their crimes, but the crimes were, in fact, almost
always brought to light." There is some uncertainty about
the details of this particular case.
5. I.e. in excess of their duty. Dino goes on to quote as
an instance the case of a Buondelmonte, in which the houses
of a family were destroyed as the punishment of a murder
which for some reason or other did not come within the
purview of the Ordinances.
6. I.e. the crimes against which the Ordinances were
framed.
7. See I. 11, n. 5.
8. I.e. popolani belonging to the lesser guilds.
36 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XIII
The Magnates determine to upset the government
of the Popolani. To this end they negotiate
with Pope Boniface VI II., and with an
Imperial emissary. Finding it impossible to
murder Giano della Bella, they stir up enemies
against him among the Popolani (1293-1294).
The powerful citizens, who were not all noble by
race, some being called Magnates accidentally ( 1 ),
tried many means of subduing the popolani, on
account of the hatred they bore them. They
fetched from Champagne a bold French knight
named M. Gian di Celona (whose power was
more conspicuous than his good faith), on whom
certain jurisdictions had been conferred by the
Emperor (2). This man came into Tuscany,
having made an agreement with the Florentine
Magnates, and by the desire of the newly-elected
Pope, Boniface VIII.; and he was furnished with
charters and powers over any cities he might win
(3). In order to upset the government of Flor-
ence, such men as M. Vieri de' Cerchi and Nuto
Marignolli set seal to this agreement (4), according
to the statement of M. Piero Cane of Milan, the
agent of the said M. Gian di Celona (5). They
made many plans to slay the aforesaid Giano
£della BellaJ, saying, " Smite the shepherd and
the sheep shall be scattered."
One day they plotted to get him murdered ;
then they drew back through fear of the popolani ;
then they cunningly found a means of compassing
THE FIRST BOOK 37
his death by subtle craftiness, saying : " He is just ;
let us place before him the wicked deeds of the
butchers, who are men full of mischief and evil-
disposed. " Among these there was one great
butcher, called Pecora, upheld by the Tosinghi
(6), who carried on his trade by means both
fraudulent and hurtful to the Republic (7).
Proceedings were taken against him by his guild
(8) because he fearlessly carried on his evil
practices. He menaced the Magistrates and their
officers, and with the support of a large number
of armed men put himself forward to do evil
(9). Those in the conspiracy against Giano,
being engaged in the church of Ognissanti on an
amendment of the laws (10), said to him, " Look
at the deeds of the butchers, how they multiply
their wrong-doing." And Giano replied, " May
the city perish sooner than that this be suffered : "
and endeavoured to frame laws against them.
And in like manner they said of the lawyers :
" See, the lawyers threaten to call the Magistrates
to strict account (n) and draw unjust favours
from them through fear, and keep causes undecided
for three or four years ; and judgment is not given
in any cause ; and when any one wishes to dis-
continue his action or withdraw his defence he
cannot do so ; to such an extent do they confuse
the issues to be tried, and quibble as to liability to
penalties, acting dishonourably." Giano, moved
to righteous anger against them, would say, " Let
laws be made which may be a check on such
wrong-doing." Then, when they had thus stirred
him up to justice (12), they secretly sent to the
lawyers and to the butchers and the members of
38 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the other guilds, saying that Giano was maligning
them and that he was proposing laws to be Framed
against them.
i. Lit. " by other accidents." A substance is that which
exists on its own account. An accident exists only as an
experience, quality or capacity of a substance. The persons
in question were in substance popolani, but, in virtue of
the quality of belonging to families which had had a knight
among their members within twenty years past (see I. n,
n. 8), they were Magnates *' accidentally."
2. Gian di Celona is the Italianised form of Jean de
Chalon. It seems more probable that he came from
Chalon-sur-Saone in Burgundy than from Chalons-sur-
Marne in Champagne. He had already been in relations
with the Florentine government in 1284. The " Emperor"
was Adolphus of Nassau, King of the Romans, elected in
1292, but never crowned at Rome, and therefore not,
strictly speaking, Emperor. His object in sending Jean
de Chalon was of course to revive the drooping cause of
Ghibellinism and enforce the Imperial rights in Tuscany
(cf. III. 34, n. 5). The vague phrase " certain jurisdic-
tions " is used because apparently Jean de Chalon was not
formally appointed vicar in Tuscany by Adolphus.
3. I.e. cause to submit to the Imperial authority.
Boniface VIII. (Benedetto Gaetani) was elected Pope on
December 24, 1294. His connivance with the Florentine
Magnates and the Imperial emissary on this occasion was
in accordance with the general line of Papal policy indicated
above (I. 7, n. 3).
4. Dino insinuates that it was a shameful thing for mem-
bers of such well-known Guelf families as the Cerchi and
Marignolli to be coquetting with the Ghibellines. The
Magnates of Florence included the remains of the Ghibelline
party there.
5. This was a lawyer employed by Jean de Chalon to
conduct the negotiation with the Florentine Magnates.
6. These words are very significant, as they show that the
Tosinghi, a family of Magnates, had come to an under-
standing with one of the most influential popolani. It
will be observed that the events of this latter part of the
chapter are earlier in time than those of the former part.
7. Because contrary to the laws.
8. I.e. by the chief officials of the guild who had juris-
diction in such a case.
THE FIRST BOOK 39
9. I.e. to join the Magnates in their attack on the
government.
10. The allusion is to the appointment of a committee
(as we should say) of fourteen members chosen by the
Signory and approved by the Council of the Hundred Men
(see Appendix II.) for the purpose of introducing into the
statutes defining the duties of the Magistrates, viz. the
Podesta and the Captain of the People, certain alterations
which the passing of" the Ordinances of Justice had rendered
necessary. The committee was appointed on December
9, 1294, and sat on into January 1295. Of the fourteen
members five were among those ' ' in the conspiracy against
Giano."
11. They were, in any case, bound by law to give a strict
account of their administration at the end of their term of
office. The "conspirators against Giano" were therefore
insinuating that the lawyers threatened to bring false
accusations against the Magistrates as to their conduct in
office. The committee were, according to custom, shut up
during their deliberations in the monastery of Ognissanti
(All Saints). The presence among the five ' ' conspirator "
members of two lawyers, M. Baldo Aguglioni (see above,
I. 12, n. 1) and M. Palmieri Altoviti, gives piquancy to the
proceedings ; and with Dino Compagni himself (see next
chapter) and Giano on the other side, the debates must
have been lively enough.
12. I.e. either stirred him up "to propose measures for
doing justice on the butchers and lawyers," or simply,
" stirred up his zeal for justice."
CHAPTER XIV
Dino Compagni reveals to Giano della Bella the
plot against him. Scene in the monastery of
Ognissanti (January 1295).
The plot against Giano was discovered one day
when I, Dino, and some of them ( 1 ) were about
to assemble in Ognissanti, and Giano was walking
in the garden. Those in the conspiracy were con-
4o CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
certing a deceitful law (2) which all did not un-
derstand, namely, that every city or fortress should
be deemed hostile which harboured any one out-
lawed as an enemy of the people ; and this they
did because the conspiracy was made [by the Mag-
nates J with false popolani to banish ( 3 ) Giano and
bring him into hatred with the people (4). I got
knowledge of the conspiracy, my suspicions having
been aroused by the conspirators concerting the law
without their colleagues. I revealed to Giano the
plot formed against him, and showed him how [his
foes] were making him out the enemy of the people
and of the craftsmen (5), and that if he persisted
in his proposed legislation (6), the people would
turn round upon him : [so I advised him]] to drop
his proposals and speak on the defensive against his
adversaries. And so he did, saying : " May the
city sooner perish than that so many wicked deeds
be suffered ! " Then Giano knew who was betray-
ing him, for the conspirators could be hidden no
longer. Those who were innocent wished to exa-
mine the facts prudently ; but Giano, more bold
than prudent, threatened to have them (7) put to
death. Therefore the making of the laws was not
further proceeded with, and we separated in great
discord.
The conspirators against Giano remained there
(8). These were M. Palmieri di M. Ugo Altoviti,
[and] M. Baldo Aguglioni, doctors of law, Alberto
di M. Jacopo del Giudice, Noffo di Guido Bona-
fedi, and Arriguccio di Lapo Arrighi. The notary
secretaries were Ser Matteo Biliotti and Ser Pino
of Signa (9). All the words which had been spoken
were greatly exaggerated by repetition, so that all
THE FIRST BOOK 41
the conspirators hastened to kill [Giano J, for they
feared his deeds more than him (10).
1. I.e. some of the members of the committee (see pre-
ceding chapter, n. 10).
2. The committee were about to hold a meeting to pro-
ceed with their work, and the ' ' conspirator " members were
concerting beforehand the proposal they should make at the
meeting, with;, the object of compassing the ruin of Giano.
Their proposed enactment is called " deceitful," because its
motive was not at the first glance apparent.
3. Sbandeggiare, which strictly means to condemn, in a
general sense, to any kind of penalty. The word is trans-
lated " outlawed" just before.
4. The term " people" here includes, in addition to the
popolani, the lesser traders and the populace, of whom
Giano had constituted himself the champion. Dino Pecora
(see/preceding chapter), however, had also a certain follow-
ing among the latter classes, and, as we have seen, was in
confederacy with the Magnates. It should be borne in
mind that the traders of the lesser guilds and the popu-
lace depended to a considerable extent on the Magnates'
custom for their prosperity, and were therefore to some
extent under their influence. The fact that the Magnates,
as well as the classes at the bottom of the social scale, were
now alike excluded from participation in the government of
the city, constituted a further bond of sympathy between
them. The popolani, on the other hand, in whom all poli-
tical power was now concentrated, carried on an immense
trade with all Europe and the East [cf. Inf. xxvi. 1-3) ;
while their interest in local trade was comparatively unim-
portant, and the patronage of the Magnates a matter of
indifference to them (see-Villari, 346, 469).
5. The " people" here are the popolani — the craftsmen,
the traders of the lesser guilds.
6. I.e. the clauses he proposed to add to the statutes (see
I. 13, n. 10) to check the abuses among the lawyers, the
butchers, and others.
7. The conspirators, probably.
8. It is difficult to be sure how much Dino means to con-
vey by this. His words seem to imply that the majority of
the committee withdrew, and that thereupon the business
was left incomplete. But it is known that the committee did
in fact carry out the amendment of the statutes, and that
as amended they came into force on February 1 in this year
42 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
(1295), though after Giano had been driven from the city
(below, I. 16) they were further modified. It seems best,
therefore, to conclude that Dino is only referring here to a
temporary interruption of the labours of the committee.
9. Ser, derived (ultimately) from Latin senior ; was pre-
fixed to the names of priests and notaries.
10. " The laws advocated by Giano would, if passed,
produce real and serious effects ; but he himself was a man
too straightforward, simple and impulsive to inspire his
enemies with fear." — Del Lungo.
CHAPTER XV
The Magnates make a scheme to divide the
Popolani (1294-1295).
The Magnates held their council in S. Jacopo
Oltrarno, and there all agreed that Giano should
be slain. Afterwards there was a meeting of
one member from each House ; and the spokes-
man was M. Berto Frescobaldi. He talked of
how these dogs of popolani had bereft them of
their privileges and of office, and how they durst
not enter the Palace and push forward their
causes ( 1 ) ; adding, " if we beat one of our
servants our houses are pulled down (2). And
therefore, sirs, I counsel that we come forth from
this bondage. Let us take our arms and rush into
the streets ; let us kill as many of the popolani as
we find, friends and enemies alike, so that neither
we nor our sons may ever more be brought under
their yoke."
After that M. Baldo della Tosa stood up and
said: "Sirs, the wise knight's counsel would be
good if it were not too hazardous, seeing that if
our intention failed we should all be dead men.
THE FIRST BOOK 43
But let us conquer them first by cunning, and dis-
unite them by mild words, saying that the Ghibel-
lines will take our city from us, and will drive out
them and us, and that for God's sake they should
not allow the Ghibellines to rise to power. Having
thus caused a division amongst them (3), let us
smite them so that they never lift themselves up
any more." The knight's counsel was pleasing to
all, and they appointed two for each district, who
should corrupt and divide the popolani and malign
Giano, and estrange from him all the powerful
bopolani for the reasons mentioned (4).
1. Not the palace of the Signory, which was only begun
in 1299 (see II. 12, n. 2), but the palace of the Podesta(now
known as the Bargello), which had been erected some
forty years previously. It will be readily understood, by
referring to Appendix II., that it would not be difficult
for Magnates to bring undue influence to bear on the ad-
ministration of justice in the Podesta's court, which sat in
his palace. The allusion in this passage is to a law, passed
probably in 1294, restricting the access of Magnates to the
palaces of the Podesta and Captain.
2. Under a modification of the Ordinances, which came
into force on July 6, 1295 (some six months after the events
related in this chapter), it was provided that the Ordi-
nances should not apply to chastisement inflicted by
Magnates on their servants.
3. The Ghibellines were to serve as a bugbear to divide
the popolani. Some would be frightened, and fall into
the trap, while others would persist in hostility to the
Magnates.
4. Viz. because they would allege that it was by Giano's
fault that the Magnates and popolani were at strife, and
thereby the whole Guelf party in Florence was in danger.
44 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XVI
Riot in Florence on Jan. 23, 1295. The Podesta's
palace plundered. Giano della Bella driven
from the city.
Whilst the citizens were thus dissembling ( 1 ) the
city was in a state of great discord. It befell
in those days that M. Corso Donati, a powerful
knight, sent some foot-soldiers to attack M. Simone
Galastrone, his kinsman, and in the struggle one
£a popolano~] v/as killed, and several were wounded.
An accusation was made on both sides, and it was
therefore necessary to proceed according to the
Ordinances of Justice in taking the evidence (2),
and in awarding the punishment. The trial came
on before the Podesta, named M. Giano of Lucino
(3), a noble Lombard knight of great sense and
goodness. One of his doctors of law (4), who was
engaged in the case and hearing the evidence pro-
duced on both sides, perceived that it went against
M. Corso ; [b\it] he made the notary write the
contrary so as to make out that M. Corso ought to
be absolved, and M. Simone condemned. The
Podesta therefore, being deceived, acquitted M.
Corso and condemned M. Simone. The citizens
who heard what had been done thought that he had
done it for money, and that he was the enemy of
the popolani, and M. Corso's adversaries especially
cried with one voice, " Death to the Podesta ; to
the fire, to the fire ! " (5). The first to start the
uproar, more from the ill-will they bore M. Corso
than from sorrow for offended justice, were Taldo
THE FIRST BOOK 45
della Bella (6) and Baldo dal Borgo. And the
tumult increased so greatly that the mob ran with
faggots to the palace of the Podesta to burn the
door.
Giano, who was with the Priors, hearing the cry
of the mob, said, " I will go to save the Podesta
from the hands of the rioters," and he mounted his
horse, thinking that the people would obey him and
retire at his words. But on the contrary they
turned their lances against him to throw him off
his horse ; so he turned back. In order to please
the people the Priors came out (7) with the Gon-
falon, thinking to appease the uproar ; but it in-
creased so much that the rioters burnt the palace
door, and stole the horses and goods of the Podesta.
The Podesta fled into a neighbouring house ; his
household were seized, the records were torn in
pieces, and any evil-disposed person who was being
sued in court went to destroy the papers relating to
his case. This destruction was effectually helped
on by a certain doctor of law named M. Baldo
dell' Ammirato, who had many opponents, and was
in court at the time engaged in criminal and civil
business. This man, who had proceedings pending
against himself and feared to be punished, was so
crafty that with the help of his followers he broke
open the cupboards, and tore up the records, so
that they were never found again. Many persons
did strange things during that riot. The Podesta
and his household were in great peril. He had
brought his wife with him, a lady highly esteemed
in Lombardy, and of great beauty. She and her
husband, hearing the shouts of the mob, fled,
calling upon death (8), to the neighbouring houses,
D
46 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
where they found help, and were hidden and
concealed.
The next day the Council (9) assembled, and it
was decided for the honour of the city that the stolen
goods should be restored to the Podesta, and that
his salary should be paid. This was accordingly
done, and he went away. The city remained in
great discord. The good citizens blamed what
had been done ; others laid the guilt on Giano,
seeking to drive him away, or to make him come
to harm ; others said, " Now that we have made a
beginning, let us burn the rest," and there was such
an uproar throughout the city, that it stirred the
minds of all against Giano. And the Magalotti
(10), his kinsmen, shared in this feeling ; and they
advised him, in order to put an end to the people's
excitement, to absent himself for a while from the
city. He trusted to their false counsel and departed ;
and forthwith he was banished and condemned in
person and property.
1. I.e. secretly nursing their mutual ill-will.
2. See I. 11. The case fell within the Ordinances because
z.popolano had been killed in a scuffle between Magnates.
M. Corso and M. Simone accused each other of the murder,
so as to escape the penalty. Under the modification of the
Ordinances already referred to (I. 1-5, n. 2), it was provided
that they should not apply to the killing of a popolano who
wilfully meddled in a scuffle between Magnates.
3. Lucino was a small village in the territory of Como.
4. The establishment or household of this Podesta con-
sisted of 82 persons, including 10 doctors of law, 24 notaries,
and 4 knights. He also had his wife with him (which was
unusual) and a son.
5. I.e. " set fire to the Podesta' s palace ! "
6. Giano's brother.
7. Scesono in piazza. This is a general expression mean-
ing that they came out of their residence and went into the
THE FIRST BOOK 47
streets. It does not necessarily refer to a piazza. The
Piazza della Signoria was not in existence at this time.
8. Cf. Inf. xiii. 118.
g. I.e. the general council of the Podesta (see Ap-
pendix II.).
10. See I. 12 (near the end).
CHAPTER XVII
The Magnates quarrel with the Imperial emissary.
The quarrel made up by the intervention of the
Pope (1295).
When Giano della Bella had been driven away on
the 5th of March T294 (1), and his house had
been robbed and partially destroyed, the smaller
trades-people lost all their boldness and energy
through having no leader, and remained inactive.
The citizens appointed as Podesta one who was
the Captain (2), and they began to accuse Giano's
friends, some of whom were sentenced to pay 500
lire, some 1000 lire, and some were declared con-
tumacious (3). Giano and his kindred left the
country (4). The citizens remained in great
discord ; some praised, others blamed him. M.
Giovanni di Celona, who had come at the request
of the Magnates and wished to carry out what he
had promised, and to obtain what had been promised
him, was demanding the payment for 500 horsemen
whom he had brought with him. This was denied
him, for he was told that he had not kept his word.
The knight, who was a man of high spirit, betook
himself to the enemies of the Florentines at Arezzo,
and said to them : " Sirs, I came into Tuscany at
the request of the Guelfs of Florence ; here are the
48 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
papers. They refuse to give me what they bar-
gained ; therefore I and my companions will join
with you in putting them to death as enemies. "
So the Aretines, the Cortonese, and the Ubertini
did him honour.
The Florentines, hearing this, sent to Pope
Boniface, begging him to interpose and make peace
between them. And this he did, and adjudged
that the Florentines should give him []M. Giovanni
di CelonaJ 20,000 florins (5); which they gave
him. And being friends once more with him, and
perceiving that the Aretines were relying on him,
they arranged with him that on his return to Arezzo,
he should show himself hostile to us, and should
lead Qthe Aretines] to take San Miniato from us
(6), which, he said, belonged to him by virtue of
the rights of the Emperor in whose name and by
whose commission he had come. But one person,
who knew the secret, disclosed it in levity of mind,
and in order to show that he had knowledge of
secret affairs, and the person to whom he told it
made it known to M. Ceffo de' Lamberti (7) ; so
that the Aretines heard of it, and dismissed the
knight with all his followers.
1. 1295 N.S.
2. I.e. the Captain of the People (see Appendix II.),
Guglielmo dei Maggi of Brescia. He now held both offices
together.
3. I.e. they were condemned in default of appearing to
answer the charge against them. The machinations of the
Magnates had been to a great extent successful, and the
Signory, which came into office on Feb. 15 in this year (1295),
was favourable to them.
4. According to Villani, viii. 8, he died in France.
5. According to Villani, viii. 10, the sum was 30,000 florins
(about ,£15.375), which, Del Lungo observes, corresponds
THE FIRST BOOK 49
with the 60,000 lire stated in a document as the sum autho-
rised by the Government to be paid to Jean de Chalon.
6. I.e. to make S. Miniato rebel against the authority of
Florence, the head of the league of Guelf cities in Tuscany.
S. Miniato (see I. 7, n. 4) was at this time an independent
city, and did not come under the dominion of Florence till
1369. The scheme here mentioned by Dino was that Jean de
Chalon should head the Ghibelline army as though to attack
S. Miniato, and then leave them in the lurch.
7. The Lamberti were a prominent Florentine Ghibelline
family, and would therefore naturally be in communication
with the Ghibelline city of Arezzo. M. Ceffo was one of
those who had had to remain in exile under the terms of
Cardinal Latino's settlement (see I. 3, n. 6).
CHAPTER XVIII
Condition of Florence after Giano's expulsion
(1295-1299).
The Priors who drove Giano della Bella away were
these : Lippo del Velluto, Banchino di Giovanni,
a butcher, Geri Paganetti, Bartolo Orlandini, M.
Andrea of Cerreto, Lotto del Migliore Guadagni,
with Gherardo Lupicini, the Gonfalonier of
Justice, and they took office on the 15th of
February 1294 (1). The citizens began to
accuse one another (2), and to condemn and to
banish some, insomuch that Giano's friends were
terrified and remained in subjection. Their enemies
tyrannised over them very haughtily, and accused
Giano and his followers of great arrogance, saying
that he had caused discord in Pistoja, and burnt
villages, and condemned many persons, when he was
Captain there ( whereas he deserved praise for these
things, seeing that he had punished the exiles and
evil-doers who used to meet together without fearing
So CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the laws) (3) ; and they said that in doing
justice (4) he acted for the sake of tyranny.
Many people spoke evil of him through cowardice
and to please the wicked.
The renowned butcher who was called Pecora,
a man of little truth, a follower of evil, and a
flatterer, dissembled in that he spoke evil of him to
please others ( 5 ) . He corrupted the smaller trades-
people, formed conspiracies, and was so crafty that
he made the Priors believe they owed their election
to his influence. He promised office to many, and
deceived them by these promises. He was a big
man, bold and impudent, a great tattler ; and he
declared openly who the conspirators against Giano
were, saying that he used to meet together with
them in an underground cellar. He was little to
be trusted, and more cruel than just. He maligned
Pacino Peruzzi, a man of good fame. Without
being called upon, he often made speeches in the
Councils (6), and he used to say that it was he
who had freed the citizens from the tyrant Giano,
and that he had gone about many nights with a
little lantern persuading people to agree in con-
spiring against him.
1. 1295 N.S. Dino passes over the attempt of the
Magnates in this year to follow up the expulsion of Giano
by overthrowing the government of the popolani (see
Villani, viii. 12). They were unsuccessful ; but they pro-
cured some important relaxations of the Ordinances of
Justice. In addition to the modifications already referred
to (I. 15, n. 2 ; I. 16, n. 2) it was provided that in order to
be deemed a member of a guild, and consequently to be
eligible for the priorate and to enjoy all other rights in-
herent in the status of a member of a guild, the actual
practice of a trade should no longer be necessary, and that
mere enrolment in a guild should suffice. In this way
THE FIRST BOOK 51
Magnates were readmitted to share in political power — on
condition of becoming popolani. But no knight might be
elected Prior, and no Magnate Gonfalonier of Justice.
Furthermore, it was enacted that thenceforth no family not
having then or not having had within the twenty years pre-
ceding more than two knights among its members should be
obliged to give security, except those already on the list of
Magnates' families on 6th July 1295. There was, therefore
(except in the case of families with more than two knights,
as stated above), no further possibility of a family of popolani
becoming a Magnate's family accidentally (I. 13, n. 1).
2. I.e. the popolani who were Giano's enemies accused
those who were his friends, Dino himself among the number
(see II. 10).
3. Giano had been Captain at Pistoja the year before.
The "exiles and evil-doers" whom he "punished" were
persons who had taken sanctuary, and, apparently, had
abused this privilege ; and for his proceedings against
them he had been excommunicated by the bishop of
Pistoja {cf. I. 25).
4. Perhaps rather, " in inflicting punishment."
5. I.e. his new friends among the Magnates (see I. 13,
n. 6).
6. The Podesta and Captain brought forward the business
for discussion in the Councils, and called upon the members
to express their opinions. Pecora did not wait to be called
upon.
CHAPTER XIX
Scandalous administration of M. Monfiorito,
Podesta from January to May 1299.
To safeguard themselves the most wicked of the
citizens ( 1 ) appointed as their Podesta M. Mon-
fiorito, a poor nobleman of Padua, in order that he
might inflict punishment like a tyrant and turn right
into wrong and wrong into right, as it seemed
good to them. He quickly understood their will
and followed it. For he acquitted and condemned
without law (2), as appeared fitting to them ; and
52 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
he became so presumptuous that he and his house-
hold openly sold justice, and did not refuse the price,
were it small or great. He made himself so hated
that the citizens could not endure him, and caused
him and two of his attendants to be seized and
tortured with the rope ; and by his confession they
learnt things, in consequence of which much in-
famy and danger accrued to many citizens. Then
they fell out, for one desired him to be tortured
further, and another did not. One of them,
whose name was Piero Manzuolo, caused him to
be drawn up once more (3). Whereupon he con-
fessed that he had received a false deposition in
favour of M. Niccola Acciaioli, and had therefore
not condemned him. So a note was made of this.
When M. Niccola heard it, he feared lest more
might be revealed, and took counsel with his
advocate, M. Baldo Aguglioni, a most cunning
lawyer, who found means to gain a sight of the
notary's records, and erased from them that part
which went against M. Niccola (4). And when
the notary began to fear whether the records he had
lent might not have been tampered with, he dis-
covered the erasure, and accused them both. M.
Niccola was seized and sentenced to pay 3000
lire ; M. Baldo escaped, but was sentenced to pay
2000 lire, and placed under bounds (5) for a year.
The Signory (6) fell into great disgrace; and
there were many persons who, after seeking to
discover the misdeeds of others, were ill content
to find themselves proved guilty (7).
M. Monfiorito was put into prison. Many
times did the Paduans send to demand him ;
[the Florentines]] refused to give him up for love
THE FIRST BOOK 53
or favour. Afterwards he escaped from prison ;
for the wife of one of the Arrigucci, whose
husband was in the same prison, caused noiseless
files and other tools to be made, with which they
broke open their prison and fled.
1. I.e. the popolani who had been hostile to Giano, and
favourable to the Magnates (I. 13, n. 6).
2. Sanza ragione. Ragione here = law, as in Dante
Conv. ii. 9 : 72.
3. The victim was hung up with his arms tied behind
him, and beaten with a rope.
4. Dante alludes to this nefarious business in Purg. xii.
105. M. Monfiorito was evidently a mere tool in the hands
of the "most wicked citizens." He was deprived of his
office early in May 1299. M. Baldo Aguglioni was one of
the Priors who held office from 15th August till 15th October
in the same year, and it was then that the " erasure " of the
record against M. Niccola Acciaioli was made. It would
seem from a document quoted by Del Lungo that the
entry against M. Niccola Acciaioli, with other documents,
was cut out of the book containing them.
5. See I. 3, n. 5.
6. I.e. the Signory of which M. Baldo Aguglioni had
been a member.
7. The persons in question had shown special eagerness
in bringing M. Monfiorito and his attendants to justice,
hoping thus to divert attention from their own misdeeds ;
but the record of the proceedings against M. Monfiorito
revealed their own guilt.
CHAPTER XX
The eve of the conflict. Incidents in the long-
standing feud between the Cerchi and the
Donati which led up to the outbreak.
The city, governed with little justice, [now] fell
into a new danger, because the citizens began to be
divided through rivalry for office, one maligning
54 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
another (i). It happened that certain members
of a family called the Cerchi (men of low rank,
but substantial merchants and very rich, who
dressed well and kept many servants and horses,
and made a brave appearance), had bought the
palace of the Counts (2), which was close to the
houses of the Pazzi and Donati, who were of more
ancient lineage but not so rich. Wherefore, seeing
the Cerchi rising to eminence (they had built and
added to the palace, and kept great state), the
Donati began to feel a deep hatred towards them.
This increased greatly, because M„ Corso Donati,
an ambitious knight, whose wife had died, became
betrothed to another, the daughter of the late M.
Accirrito of Gaville (3), an heiress. But when
her kinsmen would not consent to this, because
they were expecting the inheritance, the maiden's
mother, seeing he was a very handsome man, con-
cluded the match, contrary to the wishes of the rest.
The Cerchi, kinsmen of M. Neri of Gaville,
became angry, and tried to prevent M. Corso from
getting the inheritance. However, he took it by
force ; and hence arose much mischief and danger
to the city [in general] and to individuals. And
some young men of the Cerchi family, being de-
tained on a matter of suretyship in the courtyard of
the Podesta's palace, as is the custom (4), a black
pudding made of pork was set before them, of
which those who ate had a dangerous sickness, and
some died of it ; on which account there was a
great stir in the city, for they were much beloved.
M. Corso was freely accused of this crime, but it
was not investigated, seeing that proof could not
be had ; but the rancour grew from day to day, inso-
THE FIRST BOOK 55
much that the Cerchi began to withdraw both from
the Donati and from the meetings of the Party (5),
and to make advances to the popolani and the
Signory, with whom they were in favour, both
because they were men of good and kindly dis-
position and because they were very obliging, so
that they could obtain from them (the Signory)
what they wished ; and they were on similar terms
with the Magistrates. And many citizens drew to
their side, amongst others, M. Lapo Salterelli and
M. Donate Ristori, doctors of law, and other
powerful families (6). The Ghibellines, in like
manner, loved them for their kindness and because
they got favours from them, and were not wronged
by them ; the smaller traders and the populace loved
them because the conspiracy against Giano had
displeased them (7). They were much counselled
and urged to make themselves supreme in the
Government, which, on account of their goodness,
they might easily have done; but they would never
consent to it.
One day a number of citizens were assembled
in the Piazza of the Frescobaldi for the funeral
of a lady. It was the custom of the place at such
gatherings for the [ordinary] citizens to be seated
low down on rush-mats, and the knights and
doctors (8) up high on benches. The Donati and
the Cerchi being seated opposite one another (those
who were not knights being on the ground), one
of them, either to rearrange his dress, or for some
other purpose, stood up. Their adversaries also
rose up in mistrust (9), and placed their hands on
their swords ; the others did likewise ; and they
came to blows ; but the rest of the company threw
56 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
themselves between, and did not allow them to
fight. Nevertheless, the strife could not be so far
quelled as to prevent many people from rallying to
the houses of the Cerchi, and they would gladly
have gone on to attack the Donati ; but one of the
Cerchi did not allow it.
A young man of gentle birth, named Guido (10)
(son of a noble knight, M. Cavalcante Cavalcanti),
courteous and bold, but disdainful, solitary and
intent on study, an enemy of M. Corso, had several
times determined to attack him. M. Corso feared
him greatly, because he knew him to be high-
spirited, and when Guido was going on a pilgrimage
to S. James (n), he sought to murder him, but
did not succeed. Wherefore Guido, hearing of
this on his return to Florence, stirred up against
M. Corso many young men, who promised to help
him. One day when he was riding with some of
the House of the Cerchi, having a dart in his hand,
he spurred his horse against M. Corso, believing he
would be followed by the Cerchi, whom he meant
to lead into the fray. And as his horse was gal-
loping on he hurled his dart, but without effect.
With M. Corso there were present Simone, his
son ( 1 2), a strong and bold young man, Cecchino
de' Bardi, and many others with their swords ;
they pursued Guido, but not overtaking him, they
cast stones after him, and some were thrown at him
from the windows, so that he was wounded in the
hand.
For this cause the hatred began to increase ; and
M. Corso greatly slandered M. Vieri, calling him
the "Ass of Porta" (13)? because, though a very
handsome man, he was of small wit and rude of
THE FIRST BOOK 57
speech ; therefore he often said : " Has the Ass
of Porta been braying to-day ? " And he greatly
despised him. Guido also he called " Cavicchia "
(14). And thus the jesters used to report, and
especially one called Scampolino (15), who very
much exaggerated what was said, to the end that
the Cerchi might be moved to quarrel with the
Donati. The Cerchi kept quiet, but used their
friendship with the Pisans and the Aretines as a
threat. The Donati were afraid of them, and
said that the Cerchi had made a league with the
Ghibellines of Tuscany ; and to such an extent did
they defame them that it came to the ears of the
Pope (16).
General Note to this Chapter
At this point Dino enters on his subject proper by giving
an account of the feud between the Cerchi and the Donati,
which caused the division of the Guelf party into the Whites
and the Blacks. This division was completed in 1300
(see I. 22), which date may be regarded as the fundamental
date of the present chapter, to which its opening sentence
and closing paragraph refer ; while the events recorded in
the intermediate portion of the chapter occurred at various
times between 1280 and 1297.
1. The words " governed with little justice " refer to the
administration of the Magistrates (see I. 5, n. 1). The
words " rivalry for office " refer to the Signory.
2. The migration of the Cerchi into Florence from the
country is touched on in Par. xvi. 65. The "Counts"
are the Counts Guidi (as in Par. xvi. 64). Guido Salvatico
of that family sold his houses to M. Vieri (abbreviation of
Ulivieri) dei Cerchi and other members of his family in
1280.
3. Corso is an abbreviation of Buonaccorso. M. Corso's
first wife belonged to the Cerchi family ; his second wife
(the lady here spoken of), to the Ubertini family; and he
married, thirdly, a daughter of the great Ghibelline leader,
Uguccione of La Faggiuola. Gaville (see Inf. xxv. 151)
58 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
was a village in the Upper Val d'Arno (see I. 9, n. 2),
belonging to the Ubertini. M. Neri of Gaville (mentioned
just below) was likewise one of the Ubertini.
4. Some of the Cerchi had been condemned in the matter
of an affray between them and the Pazzi. They had made
default in paying the fine ; their sureties (see above, I. 11,
n. 6) were also in default, and were accordingly confined
as stated in the text. The affray is believed by Del Lungo
to have occurred on December 20, 1298.
5. See I. 3, n. 2.
6. I.e. of the popolani. M. Lapo Salterelli is referred
to in Par. xv. 128. Del Lungo prints (vol. i. pp. 327-329)
a poem addressed by Dino Compagni to Lapo in which he
puts before him a legal conundrum about three husbands,
two wives and three children, and the respective claims of
the latter to the property of the first wife, with Lapo's poem
in reply. M. Donato Ristori was one of the draftsmen of
the Ordinances (I. 12).
7. It will be observed that the adherents of the Cerchi,
soon to be known as the Whites, formed a rather hetero-
geneous body ; of which the popolani were the nucleus.
The presence of Ghibellines among them, coupled with
their relations with the Ghibelline states of Pisa and
Arezzo (see below, end of this chapter), tended to
weaken their position, and indeed- contributed to their
eventual overthrow. The Ghibellines hated the Guelf Mag-
nates more than the popolani, because the former had chiefly
contributed to their defeat at Campaldino. Their support
of the Cerchi was therefore in the nature of a choice of the
lesser of two evils. The concluding words of the sentence
present some difficulty, arising from the fact already re-
corded by Dino (I. 13), that Vieri dei Cerchi had himself
taken part in the conspiracy against G. della Bella, the
champion of the smaller traders and populace. Much,
however, had happened since then, and we must suppose
that the consequences of Giano's expulsion and the increas-
ing animosity against the Donati had caused the Cerchi to
repent of their previous action. At any rate, they had
contrived to secure the support of Giano's followers (see
below, I. 22).
8. The "doctors" here include physicians as well as
doctors of law. The women on these occasions assembled
inside the house, the men in front of it. The date of the
disturbance at the Frescobaldi funeral was previous to
January 17, 1297. The date (December 1300), given by
G. Villani (viii. 41), is proved by Del Lungo to be im-
possible.
THE FIRST BOOK 59
9. I.e. fearing that the man's jumping up was a signal
for their opponents to attack them.
10. The famous poet and friend of Dante, so often
mentioned by Dante in his writings. If, as Del Lungo sug-
gests, the event here recorded occurred not long before 1300,
Guido Cavalcanti was at least forty years old at the time.
11. I.e. the sanctuary of S. James at Compostella
(Santiago de Compostella) in Galicia {cf. Par. xxv. 17,
18 ; Vita Nuova, xli. 46^).
12. His son by his first wife (see n. 3 to this chapter).
13. I.e. of Porta S. Piero, the name of the sesto in
which both Cerchi and Donati lived (see Par-, xvi. 94-95).
14. Cavicchia means a peg ; and Del Lungo says that its
synonym piuolo is used figuratively of a hard, awkward
man [uomo goffo e duro), suggesting that this was the im-
pression that Guido Cavalcanti made upon his enemy Corso
Donati. He also says that Corso's taunt calls to mind the
story told by Sacchetti {Novelle, 68), of a boy who fastened
Guido's clothes with a rail to the bench on which he was
sitting playing a game of chess.
15. The jesters or buffoons, who frequented the houses of
the rich, earning a dinner by their wits, were a prominent
feature of Florentine society (see Boccaccio, Decameron
ix. 8).
16. It was a very dangerous move on the part of the
Cerchi openly to proclaim their alliance with the Ghibellines,
and their opponents, the Donati, lost no time in taking
advantage of it by accusing them to the Pope, the head of
the Guelf party, of treachery to the Guelf cause.
CHAPTER XXI
Ineffectual mission of Cardinal Matthew of Acqua-
sparta to Florence. The Guild-consuls assaulted
by Magnates on S. John's Eve (June 23rd).
The leading members of the Cerchi and Donati
parties placed under bounds (1300).
There sat at that time in the seat of S. Peter
Pope Boniface VIII., a man of great daring and
consummate ability, who guided the Church as he
60 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
pleased and humbled those who did not submit to
him (i). The Spini, a rich and powerful Floren-
tine family, were in his service as his bankers, and
Simone Gherardi, a man experienced in similar
business, was their representative at Rome. With
him was the son of a refiner of silver, a Florentine
named Nero Cambi, an astute man of subtle wit,
but wicked and disagreeable, who, in order to
overthrow the position of the Cerchi and their
followers, worked upon the Pope to such an extent
that he sent M. the Friar Matthew of Acquasparta,
Cardinal of Porto (2), to Florence to make peace
among the Florentines (3). But he achieved
nothing, because he did not receive from the
[opposing] parties the authority he desired, and
therefore he departed in anger from Florence (4).
One S. John's Eve, as the guilds were going
to offer gifts, according to custom (5), and their
Consuls were walking in front, they were assaulted
and beaten by certain Magnates, who said to them :
" We are they who brought about the defeat of
Campaldino, and you have removed us from the
offices and dignities of our city." The Priors,
being indignant, took counsel of several citizens
(6), and I, Dino, was one of these. And they
placed under bounds some of each party ; that is
to say, of the party of the Donati, M. Corso and
Sinibaldo Donati, M. Rosso and M. Rossellino
della Tosa, M. Giachinotto and M. Pazzino
de' Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Porco Manieri, and
their respective kinsmen [were ordered] to Castel
della Pieve ; and of the party of the Cerchi, M.
Gentile and M. Torrigiano and Carbone de' Cerchi,
Guido Cavalcanti, Baschiera della Tosa, Baldinaccio
THE FIRST BOOK 61
Adimari, Naldo Gherardini and some of their
kinsmen, to Sarezzano. These obeyed, and went
to their appointed residence (7).
Those of the party of the Donati refused to
go, showing thereby that there was a conspiracy
amongst them. The Magistrates wished to sen-
tence them ; and if they had not obeyed, but had
taken up arms, they would that day have con-
quered the city, since the Lucchese, with the
privity of the Cardinal, were coming to their aid
with a great army of men. Hearing that the
Lucchese were coming, the Priors wrote to bid
them not dare to enter their territory — (it was my
business to write the letter) — and the villagers (8)
were commanded to seize the approaches. And
so much was done through the diligence of Bartolo,
son of M. Jacopo de' Bardi, that they (9) obeyed.
Then the Cardinal's aim was clearly revealed ; I
mean, that the peace he sought was for the purpose
of humbling the party of the Cerchi and of exalt-
ing the party of the Donati. And this aim,
which was understood by many, caused great dis-
pleasure, and accordingly a man of not much sense
came forward and with a cross-bow shot a dart at
the window of the Episcopal Palace (where the
Cardinal was) which stuck in the woodwork ; and
the Cardinal in fear departed thence, and went to
dwell for greater safety at the house of M. Tom-
maso across the Arno (10).
The Priors, in order to atone for the affront he
had received, presented him with 2000 new florins
(11); and I brought them to him in a silver cup,
and said : " Messere, disdain them not because
they are few, for without the sanction of the open
E
62 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Councils (12) it is not possible to give more
money." He answered that they were pleasing
to him ; and he looked at them long, but would
not take them.
1. The persecution of the Colonna family by Boniface is
specially referred to (see Inf. xxvii. 85-111). \
2. Porto is about twenty miles from Rome, near the
mouth of the Tiber. Matthew of Acquasparta (in Umbria)
was a Franciscan, and had been Minister-General of the
Order (see Par. xii. 124). In 1288 he was made Cardinal
(by Pope Nicholas IV.), and in 1291 Bishop of Porto
and S. Rufina. On May 23, 1300, he was appointed,
by Boniface VIII., legate and pacificator in Lombardy,
Tuscany, and other parts of Italy. He died in 1302.
3. The words "to make peace among the Florentines"
indicate the pretext of his mission ; its object is indicated
in the earlier part of the sentence.
4. The Cardinal remained in Florence till the end of
September. Dino (here and elsewhere) groups his facts,
without regard to chronological sequence, in the order in
which he thinks they will make the most vivid impression
on his readers. That is why in the next sentence he speaks
of "one St. John's Eve" instead of saying "on St. John's
Eve, 1300."
5. An annual ceremony at the Cathedral {i.e. the building
now known as the Baptistery). In addition to ceremonial
gifts, a certain number of prisoners were ' ' offered up "
and received their liberty (see Dante, Epistola, ix. 19, n.).
6. I.e. they summoned an extraordinary council (see Ap-
pendix II. and cf. II. 10). Dante was one of the Priors of
this Signory, which held office from June 15 till August 15.
7. It will be noticed that the della Tosa or Tosinghi
family was divided ; but most of them held with the Cerchi
(see next chapter). Castello della Pieve is among the
Apennines, in the province of Massa Tribara, near Urbino
(see below, I. 23). Sarezzano is the modern Sarzana, near
the sea-coast, about nine miles east of Spezia. Its climate
was unhealthy, and Guido Cavalcanti died during his exile
there.
8. Villate, i.e. the bodies of militia of the villages in the
direction of Lucca. The Contado furnished a force of
irregular troops raised from each parish (popolo) ; and for
this purpose the parishes were grouped in confederacies
{leghe).
THE FIRST BOOK 63
9. The members of the Donati faction submitted to the
Signory and went into exile.
10. M. Tommaso was the head of the Mozzi family,
whose houses were on both sides of the Arno.
11. I.e. gold florins, first coined at Florence in 1252.
The sum would be about ^1025, the florin being worth
about 10s. 3d. of our money.
12. I.e. the councils in which open voting was the rule;
that is to say, the General Council of the Captain of the
People, and the General and Special Councils of the
Podesta (see Appendix II.).
CHAPTER XXII
Account of the affray between Cerchi and Donati
at the ball in the Piazza of S. Trinita on 1st
of May 1300, which was the proximate cause
of the division of the citizens. List of the
more prominent supporters of either party.
Since youth is more easily deceived than age, the
Devil, that multiplier of evil, began his work with
a company of young men who were in the habit of
riding together. One evening on the first of May
( 1 ) as they were at supper together they reached
such a pitch of arrogance that they determined to
attack the company of the Cerchi, and use their
hands and weapons against them. On that evening,
which is the birthday of Spring, the women are
much given to frequent balls in their neighbourhood.
The young men of the Cerchi encountered the
company of the Donati, among whom was a nephew
of M. Corso, and Bardellino de' Bardi, and Piero
Spini, and other of their companions and followers,
who made an armed attack on the company of the
Cerchi. In this affray Ricoverino de' Cerchi' s
64 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
nose was cut off by an adherent of the Donati
(said to have been Piero Spini), and they (the
Donati) took refuge in his house (2). This same
blow proved the destruction of our city, because it
greatly increased the hatred amongst the citizens.
The Cerchi never revealed who the offender was,
waiting to take heavy vengeance for it.
The city was divided anew ; the division pre-
vailed alike among the Magnates, the middle and
the lower classes ; and [even] the clergy could
not avoid siding with one or the other of the two
factions. All the Ghibellines held with the Cerchi,
because they hoped to receive less ill treatment from
them, and all those who were of the opinion of
Giano della Bella, for it seemed to them that the
Cerchi had been grieved that he had been driven
away (3). Guido, son of M. Cavalcanti, was also
of their party, because he was the enemy of M.
Corso Donati ; Naldo Gherardini, because he was
the enemy of the Manieri, kinsmen of M. Corso ;
M. Manetto Scali and his kinsmen, because they
were related to the Cerchi ; M. Lapo Salterelli,
their kinsman ; M. Berto Frescobaldi, because he
had received much money on loan from them (4) ;
M. Goccia Adimari, on account of a quarrel he
had with his kinsmen ; Bernardo, son of M.
Manfredi Adimari, because he was a partner of
the Cerchi ; M. Biligiardo and Baschiera, and
Baldo della Tosa, out of spite against M. Rosso,
their kinsman, because they had been deprived of
their honours (5) by him. The Mozzi, the
Cavalcanti (the elder branch), and many other
noble families and popolani held with them.
The following held with the party of M. Corso
THE FIRST BOOK 65
Donati, M. Rosso, M. Arrigo, M. Nepo, and
Pinuccio della Tosa on account of great intimacy and
friendship ; M. Gherardo Ventraia (6) ; M. Geri
Spini and his kinsmen, on account of the wrong done
[to the Cerchi]] ; M. Gherardo Sgrana and M.
Bindello (7), on account of intimacy and friend-
ship ; M. Pazzino de' Pazzi and his kinsmen ; the
Rossi, the greater number of the Bardi, the Bordoni,
the Cerretani, Borgo Rinaldi, Manzuolo, Pecora
the butcher, and many others. And amongst the
popolani who were with the Cerchi, there were the
Falconieri, RufFoli, and Orlandini, the Delle Botte,
the Angiolieri, the Amuniti, those of the family of
Salvi del Chiaro Girolami (8), and many other
wealthy merchants.
1. Cf. I. 21, n. 4 ; Villani, viii. 39 ; and Boccaccio's " Life
of Dante" (King's Classics), p. 15.
2. The houses of the Spini fronted the Piazza di S.
Trinita.
3. Cf. I. 20, n. 7.
4. Cf. I. 15 and II. 22.
5. I.e. privileges or dignities belonging to the family.
See Par. xvi. 112-114.
6. He belonged to the Tornaquinci family, and had borne
the royal standard (I. 7, n. 7) at Campaldino.
7. These belonged to the Adimari, which family was
therefore divided in the conflict. M. Bindello had died on
15th of August in the year before ; but his name is not out
of place here, for, as we have seen, the feud between Cerchi
and Donati was of long standing, though it was only after
the affray described in this chapter that it involved the
whole population of Florence.
8. Salvi had been one of the original Priors (I. 4).
66 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER. XXIII
Corso Donati breaks bounds and betakes himself
to the Pope. The Cerchi exiles are recalled
(1300). The Donati in Florence, in June 1301,
call a meeting in the Church of S. Trinita
(which is attended by the majority of the
Guelf party) for the ostensible purpose of
restoring peace to the city.
M. Corso Donati, having been placed under bounds
at Massa Trebara (1), broke them, and betook him-
self to Rome (2), being disobedient ; for which
cause he was condemned in person and property.
And, together with Nero Cambi (3), who was a
partner of the Spini at Court (4), he employed the
agency of M. Jacopo Guatani (5), a kinsman of
the Pope, and of certain of the Colonna (6), to beg
most urgently that the Pope would apply a remedy,
since the Guelf party was perishing in Florence,
and the Cerchi were favouring the Ghibellines.
Therefore the Pope caused M. Vieri de' Cerchi
to be summoned, who went to Rome in great
state. The Pope, at the petition of his bankers
the Spini, and of his above-named friends and
kinsmen, called upon M. Vieri to make peace with
M. Corso, to which he would not consent, mak-
ing out that he was not acting against the Guelf
party (7). So he was dismissed by the Pope, and
departed.
Those of the Cerchi who had been placed under
bounds returned to Florence (8). M. Torrigiano,
and Carbone, and Vieri, son of M. Ricovero de*
THE FIRST BOOK 67
Cerchi (9), M. Biligiardo della Tosa, and Carbone
and Naldo Gherardini, and M. Guido Scimia de'
Cavalcanti (10), and the others of that party re-
mained quiet. But M. Geri Spini, M. Porco
Manieri, M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino de*
Pazzi, Sinibaldo son of M. Simone Donati, the
leaders of the other party, ill content at their
return (n), having determined to drive out the
Cerchi and their party, assembled with their
followers one day in Santa Trinitk, and held a
great meeting, for which they assigned many false
motives. After a long discussion M. Buondel-
monte, a wise and discreet knight (12), said that
the risk was too great, that too much evil might
come of it, and that for the present they had better
proceed no further. And the larger party came
together to this meeting, since M. Lapo Salterelli
had promised Bartolo di M. Jacopo de' Bardi (in
whom great trust was placed) (13) that affairs
would be satisfactorily settled, So they separated
without doing anything.
1. See I. 21, n. 7 ; I. 4, n. 1.
2. Because the Donati were already Intriguing with the
Pope (I. 21).
3. See I. 21.
4 In corte, which expression, used without qualification,
generally means the Papal Court.
5. More properly written Gaetani ; for this name is the
plural of Gaetano, which means " a native of Gaeta," from
which place the Pope's family originally came. This person
belonged to a Pisan branch of the family.
6. The persecution of the Colonna (I. 21, n. 1) originated
in a family dispute. The persons here spoken of were those
members of the family whose quarrel had been taken up by
the Pope. One of them was his chaplain.
7. See I. 20, n. 7, 16.
8. In the second half 01. August 1300. The leaders of
the Donati who had not broken bounds returned somewhat
68 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
later. Observe that Dino immediately goes on to the
summer of the following year.
9. To be distinguished from Vieri, son of Torrigiano dei
Cerchi, the head of the party.
10. To be distinguished from Guido Cavalcanti, the poet.
Tt is uncertain how this Guido came by the name of Scimia
(ape). His father, Gianni Cavalcanti, surnamed Schicchi,
placed by Dante in hell among the falsifiers {Inf. xxx. 32),
is said to have been an accomplished mimic.
11. I.e. that the Cerchi exiles had been allowed to return
earlier than themselves. Lionardo Bruni tells us in his
Life of Dante (" Early Lives of Dante," King's Classics,
p. 125) that Dante said that the early return of the Cerchi
exiles was due to the illness and death of Guido Cavalcanti
at Sarzana (I. 21, n. 7).
12. He belonged to the party of the Donati.
13. By " the larger party " is meant the party of the
Cerchi. Though the Donati's aim was to drive the Cerchi
from the city and get the control of the government into
their own hands, and they were intriguing for the Pope's
help in order to accomplish their purpose, still it behoved
them for the present to walk warily in Florence. Hence
they sought to hoodwink their opponents by calling this
meeting in order to justify their conduct, affecting to be
moved by disinterested zeal for the Guelf cause and the
good of the city. It was therefore important that the
assembly should be representative of the whole Guelf
party, and Bartolo de' Bardi, who had been one of the
original Priors (I. 4), a man of high character and great
influence (I. 21), was accordingly persuaded to induce the
supporters of the Cerchi to attend. Dino Compagni him-
self was among them, as will be seen in the next chapter.
CHAPTER XXIV
Dino Compagni's speech at the meeting at S.
Trinita. Discovery by the Government of the
conspiracy of the Donati (June 1301).
I, Dino Compagni, being myself at this meeting,
and desirous of unity and peace amongst the citizens,
said before they departed : " Sirs, wherefore would
THE FIRST BOOK 69
ye confound and undo such a goodly city ? Against
whom would ye fight ? Against your own brethren ?
What victory will ye have ? No other than lamen-
tation. " They replied that their meeting was for
no other purpose than to quell discord and to pro-
mote peace.
On hearing this I conferred with Lapo di Guazza
Ulivieri, a good and loyal popolano ( 1 ) ; and we
went together to the Priors, taking with us certain
[[of the faction of the DonatiJ who had been at the
meeting ; and we acted as mediators between the
Priors and them, and appeased the Signory with
gentle words, so that M. Palmieri Altoviti, who
was then one of the Signory (2) [only] reproved
them sharply, without menaces. Their answer was
that nothing further would come of that assembly,
and [[they begged] that certain soldiers, who had
come at their request, should be allowed to leave
without being molested. And thus it was com-
manded by the Priors.
The adverse party (3) continually kept urging
the Signory to punish them for the meeting held in
S. Trinita, because they had contravened the Ordi-
nances of Justice, their object being to make a
conspiracy and plot against the Government.
On investigating the alleged conspiracy it was
found that the Count of Battifolle (4) was sending
his son with his vassals, and with arms at the re-
quest of the conspirators ; and letters from M.
Simone de' Bardi (5) were found, in which he
wrote asking them to have a large quantity of bread
made, so that the soldiers who were coming might
have whereof to live. It was therefore clearly
understood that there was a conspiracy on foot in
70 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
connection with the meeting held in S. Trinita ;
so the count and his son and M. Simone were
condemned to a heavy penalty (6).
The hatred and ill-will of both parties being now
unconcealed, each sought to injure the other ; but
the Donati displayed their enmity much more openly
in words than the Cerchi, and they feared nothing.
i. He was a member of the Donati faction (see II. 26).
2. See above, I. 13, n. 11. He was one of the Priors from
April 15 to June 15, 1301.
3. I.e. the Cerchi.
4. I.e. Simone, Count of Battifolle (a stronghold in Casen-
tino), of the family of the Counts Guidi. He had become a
Guelf in consequence of wrongs done him by his brother,
Guido Novello (Villani, v. 37). His son's name was Guido.
5. The widowed husband of Beatrice Portinari. He was
with the Count of Battifolle.
6. The two Counts Guidi and M. Simone de' Bardi were
outlawed (messi in iando) ; the adherents of the Donati who
had been " set under bounds " were sent back to their en-
forced place of residence, with others, both Magnates and
popolani; the property of the Donati was laid waste; and
the sentence of outlawry against M. Corso, incurred by his
breaking bounds (above, I. 23), was renewed. In Del Lungo's
opinion the words in Ciacco's prophecy {Inf. vi. 65, 66),
" the party of the woods shall expel the other with much
offence," refer to this proscription of the Donati by the
Cerchi.
CHAPTER XXV
The Cerchi, in order to strengthen their position,
ally themselves with the White faction in Pis-
toja, and banish the Black faction from that
city (May 1301). Thenceforth the party of the
Cerchi in Florence are known as the Whites
and the party of the Donati as the Blacks.
The Cerchi were endeavouring to engage on their
side the Pistojans, who had [already]] given the
THE FIRST BOOK 71
Florentines authority to send to Pistoja a Podesta
and Captain (1). Cantino, son of M. Amadore
Cavalcanti, a dishonourable man, who had been sent
there as Captain, broke a law of the Pistojans, which
was that their Elders (2) should be chosen from both
their parties, namely, the Blacks and the Whites.
These two parties, Blacks and Whites, sprang
from a family called Cancellieri which had divided,
and, in consequence of this, some of them who were
closely related to one another called themselves
Whites, and the others Blacks ; and so the whole
city was divided ; and it was the practice to elect
the Elders accordingly ( 3 ) . This Cantino broke
their law, and caused all the Elders to be chosen
from the White party ; and, being reproved for it,
gave as his excuse that he had an order to do so
from the rulers of Florence. But he did not speak
the truth (4).
The Pistojans, ill content, dwelt in great tribu-
lation, injuring and slaying one another ; and they
were often condemned and ill-treated by the Magis-
trates, both rightly and wrongly ; [and]] much
money was drawn from their hands : for the Pis-
tojans are naturally quarrelsome, cruel and savage
men (5). M. Ugo Tornaquinci, the Podesta,
drew 3000 florins from such sentences ; and in
like manner many other Florentine citizens who
were Magistrates there (6).
Giano della Bella had been Captain at Pistoja ;
he ruled the citizens faithfully ; but he was very
severe, for he burnt some of their houses outside
the city where they harboured exiles in disobedi-
ence [to his orders] (7).
In Pistoja there was a formidable knight of the
72 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
party of the " Black " Cancellieri named M. Simone
of Pantano (8), a man of middle height, spare and
dark, pitiless and cruel, a robber and perpetrator of
every evil ; and he was with M. Corso Donates
party. And with the opposing party was another
called M. Schiatta Amati, a man more cowardly
than prudent, and less cruel [than M. Simone].
He was a kinsman of the " White" Cerchi (9).
At this time the Florentines sent Andrea Gher-
ardini as Captain to Pistoja, who was knighted [on
that occasion]] (10) ; and he was made to believe
at that time that the Lucchese were coming to
Pistoja to seize the city ( 1 1 ). Wherefore the said
M. Andrea placed many citizens under bounds ;
however, they would not depart at his command,
but fortified themselves and sought to defend them-
selves, thinking to receive succour : and the said
M. Simone summoned many of his friends and
foreign foot- soldiers. The Podesta (12) set his
opponents a time in which to depart, but they did
not obey : therefore he was indignant, and, having
received assistance from Florence, punished them
with sword and fire, and outlawed their followers
(13). Some said that M. Andrea had got 4000
florins from them (14) ; and others that this money
was given him by the Commonwealth of Florence
in consideration of the enmity he had incurred by
his action.
Observe that the expulsion of the Blacks from Pistoja
related in this chapter immediately preceded the meeting
in S. Trinita, and the expulsion of the Donati party from
Florence already related {cf. I. 21, n. 4).
1. This authority had been conferred on the Florentine
Government in the early part of 1296.
THE FIRST BOOK 73
2. Cantino seems to have held the office for the six
months November 1300 to April 1301. The name Cantino
is a diminutive of Cante, which is short for Cavalcante.
The Elders of Pistoja (eight in number, with a Gonfalonier
of Justice) answered to the Priors of Florence.
3. Viz. half from one party and half from the other.
The family feud had begun in 1286, and the absolute and
complete division of the citizens into the Black and White
factions dated from 1295.
4. Though it may not have been true that the Signory
then in office actually gave such an order, there is no doubt
that the exclusion of the Blacks from office in Pistoja was
carried out by the Cerchi party with their privity and con-
nivance ; and the fact of the Cerchi identifying themselves
with the White Cancellieri at Pistoja caused them and their
adherents at Florence to be known as the Whites.
5. Cf. Inf. xxiv. 125, T26 ; De Vulg. El. i. 13 : 39, n.
6. I.e. under the authority conferred on Florence in 1296.
The Magistrates were entitled to a portion of the fines
imposed.
7. See I. t8, n. 3.
8. Both this man and M. Schiatta Amati, mentioned just
afterwards, belonged to the Cancellieri, and they were the
heads of the two factions.
9. ' ' The use of the terms Whites and Blacks to denote the
two well-known factions of the Guelfs in Florence only began
in 1301 ; but these same terms had been already long in use
as distinctive appellations within the Cerchi family ; and it
is in this sense only that Dino here speaks of the ' White '
Cerchi " (Del Lungo).
10. Gherardini's term of office began in May 1301. He
was knighted because the Captain of the People was re-
quired by law to have been invested with that dignity.
11. This was a mere pretext to enable him to take measures
against the Blacks. The Lucchese were in alliance with the
Donati (I. 21).
12. Gherardini seems to have held this office as well as
that of Captain.
13. The exiled Blacks {Inf. xxiv. 143) sought refuge in
various places ; but Villani's statement (viii. 38) that they
were banished to Florence is erroneous and indeed absurd,
for they were the last people that the Cerchi would want to
come into the city.
14. Viz. from the Whites of Pistoja.
74 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XXVI
Dino interrupts his narrative to glance by antici-
pation at the terrible siege and overthrow of
Pistoja in 1306, the ultimate consequence of
the expulsion of the Blacks in 1301.
How beautiful, profitable, and prosperous a city is
overthrown! Let its citizens weep; they are of
more powerful frame than any in Tuscany, the pos-
sessors of such a rich habitation, which is surrounded
by beautiful streams, profitable mountain pastures,
and excellent soil ; they who are strong in arms,
quarrelsome, and savage ; for which cause this city
was well-nigh done to death. For in a short time
fortune changed, and they were besieged by the
Florentines, insomuch that they gave their own
flesh for food, allowing their limbs to be cut off
[by the enemy]] in order to bring provisions to
their city (1), and were reduced to such straits
that they ate nothing else but bread (2) till the last
day [of the siege]]. But the glorious God took
thought for them, so that without the knowledge
of their adversaries they swore to surrender (3)
[to the Florentines]] on terms providing for their
safety ; which terms were not kept. For after the
Florentines had got possession of the city, its
beautiful walls were demolished. Though there
was an end of the horror and cruelty of cutting
off the noses of the women and the hands of the
men who left the city on account of hunger, [yet]]
the enemy did not spare the beauty of the city,
which was left like a ruined village (4). Of the
THE FIRST BOOK 75
siege, of the danger and famine endured, of the
sallies made, and of the brave deeds done by those
who were shut up there, I do not intend to write,
nor of the loss of their fine fortresses by treachery,
since another will write of this with more certain
knowledge, and if he writes with sympathy, he
will cause his hearers to weep abundantly.
1. See III. 14, where the siege is described more at large.
2. See III. 15, where Dino says that pigs would not have
touched the bread the citizens ate at the end of the siege.
3. Lit. "they were received," i.e. their oath was re-
ceived (see below, II. 17). The "adversaries" spoken of
here are the exiled Blacks of Pistoja, without whose know-
ledge the surrender was negotiated.
4. The demolition of the walls had left the city open like
a village.
CHAPTER XXVII
The White party at Florence appoint Schiatta
Cancellieri Captain of War, with extensive
powers. His incompetence. (Summer of 1301.)
When M. Andrea's office was at an end (1), the
White party elected M. Schiatta Amati of the White
Cancellieri as their Captain of War, for they knew
not how to maintain their position, since they had
no head, for the Cerchi shunned and disliked the
name of rulers ; though more from cowardice than
compassion, because they greatly feared their ad-
versaries. And they gave their Captain authority,
in virtue of which the soldiers were under his
immediate orders, and he issued decrees on his
own account, imposed penalties, and directed
76 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
troops to be sent against the enemy (2) without
[[consulting]] any Council (3). The said knight
was a very weak and timorous man ; war did not
please him, and he was quite the opposite of his
kinsman, M. Simone of Pantano, ok the Black
Cancellieri (4).
The said Captain did not make himself master
of the city as he ought to have done ; therefore his
enemies did not fear him. The soldiers were not
paid ; [the Whites] had no money, nor had they
the boldness to raise any ; the Captain did not
secure any of the strongholds (5), and he placed
no one under bounds. He spoke menacing words,
and made show enough, but followed up nothing
effectually. Those who did not know him deemed
the Whites rich, powerful, and prudent, and for
this reason were hopeful (6). But wise men said:
" They (7) are occupied in trade and fire cowardly
by nature, while their enemies are masters of war,
and bold men."
The enemies of the Cerchi began to defame
them to the Guelfs, saying that they had an under-
standing with the Aretines, the Pisans, and the
Ghibellines, which was untrue. And together with
many people they turned against them, accusing
them of what was false ; for the Cerchi had no
treaty with the aforesaid, nor did they possess their
friendship. But when any one reproached them
with it, the Cerchi did not deny it, thinking to be
all the more feared on that account, and thereby
overpower their enemies, saying : " They will dread
us the more, fearing lest we join [the Ghibellines],
while these will love us the more, having hope in
us." But the Cerchi, wishing to be lords, were
THE FIRST BOOK 77
lorded over themselves, as shall be related here-
after.
1. As Captain of Pistoja (see I. 25). The phrase "refers
not so much to the duration of Gherarclini's term of office,
which extended till the end of October 1301, as to the
accomplishment of the business on which he had gone to
Pistoja, viz. to drive out the Black Cancellieri, and put the
government into the hands of the Whites.
2. I.e. he was empowered to do these things.
3. I.e. he could act without reference either to the
Signory or to the Councils.
4. Cf. the description of Simone of Pantano (I. 25).
5. I.e. towers and fortified buildings within the city {cf.
Villari, 120, 121).
6. Taken in by the specious bearing of M. Schiatta, the
persons in question imagined that the Cerchi and their
adherents had shown consummate wisdom in their choice
of a Captain, and that their supremacy rested on a firm
foundation.
7. I.e. the Cerchi and the White leaders.
BOOK II
CHAPTER I
An ironical apostrophe to the Black Guelfs of
Florence.
Arise, O wicked citizens, full of discord, take
sword and lire in your hands, and spread abroad
your evil doings. Disclose your iniquitous desires
and abominable purposes ; delay no longer ; go
and lay waste the beauties of your city. Shed
your brother's blood, strip yourselves of faith and
love, deny one another help and service. Sow
your falsehoods, which shall fill the granaries of
your sons ( i ). Act as did Sulla in the city of
Rome, whose wicked practices, wrought during
ten years, were all avenged by Marius in a few
days (2). Think ye that God's justice has become
slack ? Truly even that of the world renders like
for like. Consider whether your forefathers were
recompensed for their quarrels (3) ; barter away
the rights which they won. Delay not, ye miser-
able men, for more is destroyed in one day's war
than is gained through long years of peace ; and
small is that spark which brings a great kingdom
to destruction.
78
THE SECOND BOOK 79
1. Meaning, of course, "which shall bring your sons to
penury."
2. Dino seems to be writing under a confused impression
of events, for the five days' massacre by Marius of the
followers of Sulla in B.C. 87 was committed after Sulla had
only wielded power in Rome for one year (the year of his
consulship in 88), and Marius died in 86, four years before
the confiscations and proscriptions of Sulla's dictatorship.
3. See I. 2 : " After much hurt had been received in ancient
times through the quarrels of the citizens." The opening of
that chapter should be compared with this one.
4. Cf. Par. i. 34.
CHAPTER II
The Black Guelfs persuade the Pope to appoint
Charles of Valois peacemaker in Tuscany,
1301.
The citizens of Florence, being thus divided, one
began to defame another (1) by making false state-
ments [both] in the neighbouring cities and in the
Roman Court to Pope Boniface. And the words
falsely spoken wrought more harm in Florence
than the point of the sword. And to such a
degree did they work upon the said Pope by
declaring that the city was falling again into the
Ghibellines' hands, and that it would become a
refuge for the Colonna (2), and such influence did
the great quantity of money, mingled with the false
words, have with him that he, being advised to cast
down the arrogance of the Florentines, promised to
bestow on the Black Guelfs the great power of
Charles of Valois, of the Royal House of France,
who had left France to go to Sicily against Frederick
of Aragon (3). And he wrote to Charles saying
So CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
that he intended to appoint him peacemaker in
Tuscany against the opponents of the Church (4).
The said commission sounded very well in name,
but its purpose was to the contrary, since the Pope
wished to cast down the T\ hites and exalt the
Blacks, and make the TV hites enemies of the
House of France and of the Church (5).
1. I.e. the Blacks defamed the Whites.
2. See I. 2i, n. 1 ; I. 23, n. 6.
3. Charles Count of Valois, Alencon, and Anjou (1270-
1325 , son of Philip III. and brother of Philip IV. of France,
had been induced by Pope Boniface VIII. to come to Italy
in order to help Charles II. of Anjou, king of Naples, to
conquer Sicily from Frederick of Aragon (see I. 7, n. 6).
4. Charles was (nominally) to make peace between the
Black and WTiite Guelfs and crush the Ghibellines (the
opponents of the Church).
5. I.e. to force the Whites into Ghibellinism. Dino thus
indicates the effect actually produced by the Pope's policy.
CHAPTER III
Charles of Valois receives ambassadors at Bologna
from the Blacks and Whites. The former
secure his favours and persuade him to ad-
vance by way of Pistoja, but without entering
the city (August 1301'.
When" ML Charles of Valois had already come to
Bologna, ambassadors from the Blacks of Florence
appeared before him, using these words : u Sir, for
God's sake, help ! We are the Guelfs of Florence,
yassals of the House of France ; for God's sake
have a care for thyself and thy followers, for our
city is ruled by Ghibeliines."
The ambassadors from the Blacks having de-
THE SECOND BOOK 81
parted, [those from] the Whites arrived, and with
the utmost reverence made him, as their liege lord,
many offers of service. But the guileful words
had more weight with him than the true ; for the
saying, " Have a care how thou goest," seemed to
him a greater sign of friendship than the offers of
service. He was counselled (i) to come by the
way of Pistoja, in order to embroil him with the
Pisrojans, who [indeed] wondered to see him go
that way (2), and, being in apprehension, furnished
the gates of the citv with concealed arms and men.
The sowers of strife (3) said to him : " Sir, enter
not Pistoja, for the inhabitants will seize thee,
seeing that thev have secretly armed the citv, and
are men of great boldness, and enemies of the
House of France." And they put him in such
fear that he went, outside Pistoja, by way of a
little stream, showing ill-will towards Pistoja.
And here was fulfilled the prophecy of an old
peasant who long before had said : " There will
come from the West, by the Ombroncello (4), a
Prince who shall do great things ; wherefore by
reason of his coming, the beasts of burden shall go
over the tops of the towers of Pistoja " (5).
1. I.e. by the Blacks of Florence and Pistoja.
2. Because the shorter way to Florence from Bologna lay
further eastward, and passed through the Mugello or Valley
0: :Jie Sieve.
3. I.e. the Blacks. Cf. Inf. xxviii. 35.
4. An offshoot of the river Ombrone. It is not certain by
which of the numerous streams near Pistoja Charles took
his way.
5. This happened after the capture of Pistoja in 1306
(an indirect consequence of Charles's coming), when many
towers and palaces in Pistoja were laid low [cf. I. 26).
82 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER IV
Charles of Valois visits the Papal Court, to which
the White Guelfs of Florence send an embassy
in conjunction with the Bolognese (September
to October 1301).
M. Charles passed on to the Court of Rome (1)
without entering Florence ; he was vehemently
urged on [by the Black Guelfs]), and many sus-
picions were put into his mind [by them]]. The
Prince did not know the Tuscans nor their wiles.
M. Mucciatto Franzesi, a very crafty knight (2),
small in person, but of great ability, well understood
the craftiness of the words which were spoken to
the Prince ; but since he, too, had been bribed, he
confirmed what Charles was told by the sowers of
strife (3), who were about him daily.
The White Guelfs had ambassadors at the Court
of Rome, and [had] the Bolognese [ambassadors]
in their company (4) ; but they were not trustworthy
( 5 )> C^orU there were among them certain pernicious
men, among whom was M. Ubaldino Malavolti, a
Bolognese doctor of laws (6), a man full of cavils,
who had halted on the way to lay claim to certain
rights over a fortress which the Florentines were
holding, but which he said belonged to him ; and
he delayed his companions' journey to such an
extent that they did not arrive in time (7).
When the ambassadors arrived in Rome, the
Pope received them alone in his chamber, and said
to them secretly, " Wherefore are ye (8) thus
obstinate ? Humble yourselves before me. And
THE SECOND BOOK 83
I declare to you in truth, that I have no other
intention but to promote your peace. Let two of
you (9) go back, and let them have my blessing if
they can cause my will to be obeyed.,,
1. The Court of Rome was then at Anagni.
2. Musciatto (or Mucciatto) Franzesi was a Florentine
merchant, who had enriched himself in France and acquired
the dignity . of knighthood (Boccaccio, " Decameron," i. 1).
According to G. Villani (vii. 147), on the advice of Mus-
ciatto Franzesi and his brother Biccio, Philip IV. of France
seized all the Italians in his dominions, and held them to
ransom in 1291 ; and the same authority (viii. 56) tells us,
that by the advice of the same brothers, Philip debased the
coinage in order to meet the expense of his Flemish cam-
paign in 1303.
3. See II. 3, n. 3.
4. I.e. it was a joint embassy from Florence and Bologna.
Documentary evidence has recently been discovered of
the appointment of Bolognese ambassadors to Boniface at
the request of the Florentines in October 1301 ; but there
is no such evidence as to the Florentine embassy, the mem-
bers of which were (according to Dino) Maso di Ruggerino
Minerbetti, Corazza of Signa (see below, II. 11), and Dante
Alighieri (see below, II. 25). Doubts have accordingly been
entertained as to the statement that the Florentine govern-
ment sent any embassy to the Pope at this time, and par-
ticularly as to the statement that Dante was a member of it.
The question is very intricate, and the reader is referred for
a full and able discussion of it to Zenatti's work, Dante e
Firenze (Florence, Sansoni), pp. 134^ It must suffice to
mention here that the case in favour of the accuracy of
Dino' s statements is exceedingly strong, and that they may be
accepted, to say the least, as in the highest degree probable.
We may add that Zenatti, " in spite of weighty arguments
to the contrary," is satisfied as to the correctness of Dino's
information.
5. I.e. they were not all trustworthy. The "untrust-
worthy" members were, among the Florentines, probably
Minerbetti (see below, II. 11), and among the Bolognese,
Malavolti, whom he here calls a " pernicious man."
6. Ubaldino Malavolti enjoyed a high reputation as a
lawyer, and was frequently employed by the Government of
Bologna in public affairs.
7. Owing to the delay caused by Malavolti's staying in
84 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Florence to prosecute his claim, the joint embassy did not
reach the Papal Court till after Charles of Valois had set out
on his mission as peacemaker. It is, however, as Zenatti
points out, not necessary to assume that the sole object of
the embassy was to prevent Charles from starting.
8. I.e. the White Guelfs of Florence whom the ambas-
sadors represented.
9. The two were Minerbetti and Corazza (II. 11). Dante
remained behind.
CHAPTER V
The Signory which entered on their office on 15th
of October 1301 open negotiations for peace
with their Black opponents, who delude them
with a specious promise of help in the good
work. Fatal apathy among the Whites.
Meanwhile in Florence new Priors were elected
almost unanimously by both parties. These were
good men, above suspicion, in whom the smaller
traders placed great hope, as did also the White
party (1), since they were conciliatory and free
from arrogance, and were willing that the offices
should be shared (2), saying, " This is the last
remedy [j:hat can be tried J " (3).
Their adversaries' hopes were raised by this, for
they knew them to be weak and peace-loving men,
and thought they could easily deceive them under a
show of peace.
The Priors, who took office on the 15 th of
October 1301* were these: Lapo del Pace
Angiolieri, Lippo di Falco Cambio, and I myself,
Dino Compagni, Girolamo di Salvi del Chiaro,
Guccio Marignolli, Vermiglio di Jacopo Alfani,
and Piero Brandini, Gonfalonier of Justice ; who,
THE SECOND BOOK 85
when they had been drawn by lot (4), betook
themselves to Santa Croce, because the others'
term of office had not yet expired (5).
The Black Guelfs immediately agreed to go and
visit them by fours and by sixes at a time, as might
occur to them ; and they said : " Sirs, ye are good
men, and our city had need of such. Ye behold
the discord of your citizens ; it behoves you to
pacify the city, or it will perish (6). Ye are those
who hold the necessary authority ; and for this
purpose we proffer you our goods and our persons
with honourable and loyal mind/' And I, Dino,
replied on behalf of my companions, and said :
" Dear and faithful citizens, we willingly receive
your offers, and intend to begin to avail ourselves of
them ; and we request you to counsel us, and to dis-
pose your minds after such sort as may bring rest to
our city." And thus we lost the early days, for we
durst not close the gates, nor cease giving audience
to the citizens, although we doubted of such false
offers, believing that they were covering their
wickedness with their false speaking. We en-
couraged them to negotiate for peace, when we
ought to have been sharpening our weapons ; and
we began with the Captains of the Guelf party (7),
who were M. Manetto Scali and M. Neri Gian-
donati, and said to them : " Honourable Captains,
forsake and abandon everything else, and concern
yourselves solely with making peace in the party of
the Church (8) : and we place the office we hold
at your entire disposal in all that you shall ask."
The Captains departed very cheerfully and with good
courage, and began to persuade people and to speak
soothing words. Hearing of this, the Blacks at
86 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
once said that it was wickedness and treason (9), and
began to reject the [[Captains' J words. M. Manetto
Scali was so courageous, that he set himself to try to
make peace between the Cerchi and the Spini (10),
but it was all reputed as treason. The people who
held with the Cerchi grew careless in consequence
of this (11) (^saying]]: " There is no need to
trouble oneself, for there will be peace/ ' But
their adversaries thought only of fulfilling their
wickednesses.
No warlike preparation was made, because they
(12) could not imagine that anything could ensue
but concord ; and that for several reasons. The
first was, consideration for the -Party and a desire
to avoid sharing the offices of the city £with the
GhibellinesJ (13); the second, because [[warlike
preparations]] would only have been a cause of
discord, inasmuch as the [mutual]] injuries [[done
by the two parties^ had not yet reached such a
pass that concord could not be established by
sharing the offices [^between them]]. But [[the
Blacks]] thought that those who had been the
offenders (14) could not escape unless the Cerchi
and their followers were destroyed ; and this could
hardly be effected without the destruction of the
city (15), so great was their power.
1. The term "White party" seems to stand for the
popolani, for the party also included the smaller traders
mentioned just before (see I. 20, n. 7), or at least a con-
siderable number of them.
2. I.e. shared between the Whites and Blacks.
3. To prevent the threatened intervention of the Pope and
Charles of Valois.
4. I.e. after their names had been drawn from the purses
containing the names of persons eligible.
THE SECOND BOOK 87
5. And therefore the official residence of the Signory was
not yet vacant. The election of the incoming Signory was
sometimes (as on this occasion) held before the usual time.
6. They wanted the White Signory to try to pacify the
city, and at the same time intended to make it impossible
for them to succeed , in order to have a specious justification
for calling in Charles of Valois themselves.
7. See I. 3, n. 2. The Captains of the Guelf party, who
were appointed every two months, varied in number at
different times.
8. I.e. the Guelf party.
9. I.e. that the Captains were being used as tools by the
Signory to entrap the Black party.
10. See I. 22.
11. Viz. the pacific exertions of the Captains. By the
" people who held with the Cerchi" are meant the White
popolani.
12. I.e. the Whites.
13. As in the days of Cardinal Latino (see above, I. 3).
14. I.e. the Blacks themselves.
15. I.e. without a revolution, as we should say (cf.
Conv. ii. 14 : 177).
CHAPTER VI
Charles of Valois arrives at Siena and sends two
ambassadors to the Signory of Florence (end
of October 1301).
The Black Guelfs arranged and contrived that M.
Charles of Valois, who was at Court ( 1 ) , should
come to Florence ; and the deposit of 70,000
florins was made for his pay and that of his knights
(2) ; and they brought him to Siena. And when
he was there he sent as ambassadors to Florence
M. Guglielmo, a Frenchman, his chancellor (3),
who was a dishonourable and bad man (though
good and benign in appearance), and a Provencal
knight, who was the opposite. [These came^J
bringing letters from their lord.
88 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
On their arrival at Florence they went with great
reverence to the Signory, and asked leave to ad-
dress the Great Council (4), which was granted
them. Here an advocate from Volterra, a deceitful
and incompetent man, whom they had brought with
them, acted as their interpreter ; and he talked in
a very confused fashion, and said that the blood
royal of France had come into Tuscany solely to
bring peace to the party of Holy Church (5), and
for the great love it bore to the city and the said
party ; and that the Pope was sending him [Charles
of ValoisJ, as a Prince who might well be trusted,
seeing that the princes of the blood of the House of
France had never betrayed either friend or foe :
therefore it ought to please them that he should
come to fulfil his office (6).
Many members rose to their feet aflame to speak
and magnify M. Charles, and hastened to the tri-
bune (7), each trying to be the first : but the Priors
allowed none to speak. Yet they were so many,
that the ambassadors saw that the party which
desired M. Charles was greater and bolder than that
which did not desire him, and they wrote to their
lord saying, they had perceived that the party of
the Donati had risen very high, while that of the
Cerchi had sunk very low (8).
The Signory told the ambassadors that they
would reply to their lord by an embassy, and mean-
while they took advice (9), for in view of the great
novelty [of the situation]] they would do nothing
without the consent of their fellow -citizens.
1. I.e. the Papal Court (above, I. 23, n. 4). Dino here
recapitulates what he has narrated in II. 2.
2. I.e. the Blacks deposited, probably in the Papal trea-
THE SECOND BOOK 89
sury, the sum they had pledged themselves to provide for
Charles and his army.
3. Cherico, which word is not employed here in its usual
acceptation of "a clerk in holy orders," but means the
confidential official of a king or prince. In II. 17, we learn
that this Guglielmo was Charles's chancellor, or private
secretary, as we should say.
4. I.e. the general council of the Podesta (see Appendix II.).
5. I.e. the Guelf party.
6. I.e. the office of peacemaker to which Charles had
been appointed by the Pope (II. 2).
7. Ringhiera. A kind of movable pulpit from which the
members addressing the council had to speak.
8. The ambassadors were wrong in identifying with the
party of the Donati all those who were in favour of Charles's
mediation, for the majority of the Whites, less clear-sighted
than the rest, were disposed to put their trust in- the good
faith of the French prince.
9. As will be seen in the next chapter, the Signory called
together an extraordinary assembly to decide the question
whether Charles should be admitted to the city or not.
CHAPTER VII
The Signory, after consulting the general council of
the Guelf party and of the seventy-two trades
of the city, send ambassadors to Charles of
Valois, with instructions to allow him to come
to the city on condition of his previously giving
his promise, under seal, to respect the liberties
and laws of Florence. Charles gives the re-
quired promise and begins to approach the city,
urged on by the Black Guelfs (end of October
ISO1)-
They therefore summoned the general council of the
Guelf party (1), and of the seventy-two trades com-
prised in guilds, all which trades had their own con-
suls (2), and enjoined upon them that each should
90 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
answer in writing whether it were pleasing to his
guild that M. Charles of Valois should be permitted
to come to Florence as peacemaker. All replied
by voice and in writing that he should be allowed
to come, and should be received as a prince of
noble blood, except the bakers, who said that he
should neither be received nor honoured, since he
was coming to destroy the city.
The ambassadors, who were prominent popolani,
were sent to tell M. Charles that he might freely
come. Instructions were given them to obtain
from him letters under seal [^declaringj that he
would neither assume any jurisdiction as against us,
nor usurp any of the city's rights whether in respect
of the Empire (3) or under any other pretext ; and
that he would not change the laws or customs of the
city. The draftsman was M. Donato d' Alberto
Ristori, with whom were associated several other
doctors of law. Charles's chancellor was asked to
beg his master not to come on All Saints' Day,
because the common people celebrated the new
vintage on that day with feasting, and many
outbreaks might occur, which by means of the
wickedness of the bad citizens (4) might disturb
the city. He therefore determined to come on the
following Sunday (5), deeming that the delay was
made for a good purpose.
The ambassadors went to him more for the sake
of obtaining the letter (6) before his arrival than for
any other cause, being instructed that if they did
not obtain the fulfilment of his promises (7) they
should cease to put any trust in him, and should bar
his passage at Poggibonsi (8), the appproach to
which had been ordered to be strengthened for the
THE SECOND BOOK 91
safety of that place. And M. Bernardo di' Rossi,
who was vicar (9) [there], was ordered to refuse him
provisions.
Meantime the letter came, and I saw it and
caused it to be copied, and kept it until the prince's
coming ; and when he was come, I asked him if it
had been written by his wish ? He answered,
"Yes, certainly." Those who were escorting him
were in haste, and drew him from Siena almost by
force, and gave him 17,000 florins to urge him on ;
because he greatly feared the precipitation of the
Tuscans (10), and was advancing with great caution.
His escort encouraged him and his soldiers, saying :
" Sir, [the enemy] are vanquished, and they are
asking thee to delay thy coming for some evil pur-
pose, and are making a conspiracy." And they
pushed him on in other ways. But no conspiracy
was being made.
1. See I. 3, n. 2.
2. The guilds were twenty-one in number (see Appendix
II.). The seventy-two "trades comprised in guilds" [mestieri
d'arti) included a number of crafts and occupations which,
though not forming guilds, were in some way associated with
the guilds and subordinated to them, though possessing an
organisation of their own under " consuls." They covered
the whole of the fopolo minuto, and the present assembly
was therefore much more largely representative of the
whole population than all or any of the councils of the
Commonwealth.
3. The Pope, who claimed the right during a vacancy of
the Empire to exercise the Imperial functions as Vicar, had,
acting expressly in this capacity, appointed Charles as peace-
maker in Tuscany. The Empire was technically vacant, for
Albert of Austria (1298-1308) was never crowned at Rome
{cf. I. 13, n. 2).
4. I.e. the Black Guelfs.
5. I.e. November 5.
6. I.e. the "letters under seal" which the ambassadors
had been instructed to procure from Charles.
92 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
7. I.e. the promise made by his ambassadors (see pre-
ceding chapter) that he would come for the sole purpose of
bringing peace to the Guelf party.
8. A strong fortress belonging to Florence on the Sienese
frontier.
9. The title given to the magistrates appointed by the
Signory to govern the towns in the Florentine dominions
{contado).
10. I.e. the haste with which the Black Guelfs, who were
escorting him, wanted him to proceed.
CHAPTER VIII
Dino Compagni avails himself of his official
position as one of the Priors to make a final
appeal to the better feelings of the more pro-
minent citizens, in order to promote concord
in the city. Duplicity and perjury of some
among them (end of October 1301).
When affairs were in this state a holy and virtuous
thought came to me, Dino. Imagining " This
prince will come and will find all the citizens
divided, from which great mischief will follow,"
I thought that by reason of the office I held,
and of the good-will which I perceived among
my colleagues, I might bring together many pro-
minent citizens in the Church of S. Giovanni ;
and so I did.
All the officials ( 1 ) were present ; and when it
appeared to me fitting, I said : " Dear and worthy
citizens, who have all in common received Holy
Baptism from this font, reason compels and urges
you to love one another as dear brethren ; and the
more so because ye possess the noblest city in the
world. Some ill-will has arisen amongst you
THE SECOND BOOK 93
through rivalry for the offices of the State ; but, as
ye know, my colleagues and I have promised you
with an oath to allow both parties to share them
(2). This Prince is coming, and it behoves us to do
him honour. Put away, then, your ill-will and make
peace amongst yourselves, so that he find you not
divided ; put away all the offences and the wicked
desires which have hitherto been amongst you ; let
them be pardoned and remitted for the love and the
good of your city. And on this hallowed font,
whence ye drew Holy Baptism, swear good and
perfect peace betwixt one another, to the end that
the Prince who is coming may find the citizens all
united." To these words all agreed, and they did
accordingly, touching the Book with their hands,
and swearing to observe perfect peace, and to
maintain the rights and jurisdiction of the city.
This done, we departed from that place.
Those wicked citizens who ostentatiously shed
tears of tenderness, and kissed the Book, and made
the greatest show of fervour were the chief in the
destruction of the city ; whose names, for decency's
sake, I will not tell. But I cannot conceal the
name of the first, because he was the cause of the
others following []his example^ : he was Rosso
dello Strozza, a man fierce in aspect and in deeds,
the instigator of the others. But soon after he
paid the penalty for his oath.
Those who were evil inclined said that this
peace, full of charity, had been procured by deceit.
If there was any fraud in the words spoken (3)1
ought to suffer the penalty ; although a good in-
tention ought not to receive an ill reward. Many
tears have I shed for that oath, thinking of how
G
94 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
many souls are damned for it through their
wickedness.
i. I.e. the whole official class, comprising the officers of
the Commonwealth, of the Guelf party, and of the guilds.
2. Cf. II. 5 (at the beginning).
3. Not, of course, by Dino, but by those who took the
oath falsely.
CHAPTER IX
'Arrival of Charles of Valois in Florence. The
forces at his disposal (1st November 1301).
The said M. Charles entered the city of Florence
. . . (1), and was much honoured by the citizens
with races and tilting (2). Those who were im-
partial (3) lost their energy; wickedness began to
spread (4). The Lucchese arrived, saying that
they came to do honour to the Prince (5) ; the
Perugians came with 200 horsemen ; M. Cante
of Gubbio with many Sienese knights (6) and
with many others, adversaries of the Cerchi, who
came in by sixes and by tens at a time. Entrance
was not denied to Malatestino (7) and Mainardo
of Susinana ( 8 ) , in order not to displease the Prince ;
and each one (9) showed himself friendly. Thus,
including M. Charles's own horsemen, who were
800 in number, and those come from the places
around (10), he had 1200 horsemen at his
command.
The Prince alighted at the house of the Fresco-
baldi. He was entreated to alight where the noble
and honoured King Charles had alighted, and all
the great lords who came to the city (11), because
THE SECOND BOOK 95
there was plenty of room there, and the place
was secure. But those who were escorting him
would not allow this, but looked out beforehand
how they might occupy a strong position in
Oltrarno (12), saying to themselves: "If we
lose the rest of the city, we will assemble our
force here."
In Chapters IX.-XIX. , inclusive, the story of events in
Florence during the first eight days of November 1901 is
related. They are related without strict regard to their
succession in ti ne, and anticipations frequently occur in the
narrative.
1. The MSS. have the erroneous date of Sunday the
4th November. Charles entered Florence on Wednesday,
1st November, All Saints' Day {cf II. 7, n. 5).
2. See I. 7, n. 7.
3. La gente comune, i.e. those who had only the public
good at heart {cf. comune in the same sense in Villani,
vii. 13 ; viii. 69).
4. The " wickedness " is that of the Black Guelfs.
5. Cf. I. 21.
6. M. Cante dei Gabrielli of Gubbio had been Podesta of
Siena in 1298. He was, as we shall see (II. 19), appointed
Podesta of Florence by the Blacks when they had gained
possession of the city.
7. This was the eldest son of Malatesta of Verrucchio,
lord of Rimini from 1295 to 1312. He was half-brother to
Gianciotto {Inf. v. 107) and Paolo Malatesta {Inf. v. 140).
He is mentioned in Inf. xxvii. 46 as " the young mastiff
of Verrucchio," and in Inf. xxviii. 85 as "the traitor
who sees but with one eye." He succeeded his father as
lord of Rimini, and died in 1317.
8. See I. 7, n. 5.
9. I.e. all those who came with Charles into Florence
from the places just mentioned or referred to.
10. See list of towns from which forces came in II. 14.
11. I.e. the monastery of S. Maria Novella. The visit to
Florence of Charles I. of Anjou here referred to was made
in 1267 after the overthrow of the Ghibellines, when the
Guelf party became supreme in Florence (I. 3, n. 2).
Observe that S. Maria Novella was at this date (1301)
outside the city.
96 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
12. I.e. that part of Florence which is on the left bank
of the Arno, where the palace of the Frescobaldi was
situate at the end of the bridge of S. Trinita. Others of
Charles's adherents occupied the Spini palace at the other
end of the bridge, which was thus entirely commanded by
Charles (see II. 14).
CHAPTER X
The Signory summon a special body of citizens,
chosen from both parties, to advise them as to
the measures to be taken for the safety of the
city during1 the visit of Charles of Valois.
Description of the deliberations of this body
(end of October 1301).
The Priors composing the Signory chose forty
citizens from both parties, in order that they might
not be held in suspicion by either, and took counsel
with them concerning the safety of the city ( 1 ).
Those who had a wicked purpose did not speak (2) ;
the others had lost their energy.
Bandino Falconieri, a coward, said, " Sirs, [now]
I am easy, whereas I used not to sleep securely V
(3) ; showing cowardice before his adversaries.
He occupied the tribune (4) half the day, and
we were at the ebb of the year (5).
M. Lapo Salterelli, who greatly feared the Pope,
on account of the severe measures the Pope had
taken against him (6), mounted the tribune, and, in
order to curry favour with his adversaries (7),
began to abuse the Signory, saying, " You are
bringing Florence to ruin : cause a new and mixed
Signory to be elected ; recall to the city those
who have been set under bounds ! " (8). And
THE SECOND BOOK 97
[all the time] he had in his house M. Pazzino de*
Pazzi, who had been set under bounds, and who,
he trusted, would save him when he (Pazzino)
should be reinstated (9).
Alberto del Giudice (10), a rich popolano, a
man of melancholic temperament and indifferent
character, mounted the tribune and blamed the
Priors because they did not hasten to elect their
successors and recall those set under bounds. M.
Loteringo of Montespertoli (11) said, "Sirs,
would you be advised ? Elect a fresh Signory,
recall to the city those set under bounds, [and]
draw the gates off their hinges ; in other words, if
you do these two things you may say that you are
striking the locks off the gates" (12).
I asked M. Andrea of Cerreto, a learned lawyer
sprung from an old Ghibelline family, but now
become a Black Guelf (13), whether a new Signory
could be elected without transgressing the Ordinances
of Justice? (14). He replied that this could not
be done. And I, who had been accused of such
transgression, and been charged with a breach of
the Ordinances (15), determined to observe them,
and not to allow the [new] Signory to be elected
against the laws.
1. See I, 21, n. 6. As a result of the meetings of this
body, stringent measures for ensuring the tranquillity of the
city during Charles's visit were passed by the Councils of
the Commonwealth on October 26-28, and extraordinary
powers for the protection of the city and territory were
conferred on the Signory (see II. 13, n. 6).
2. The policy of the Blacks (those who had a wicked
purpose), amply justified (from their point of view) by the
miserable exhibition made by the White speakers, which
Dino so graphically described, was to give their opponents
rope enough to hang themselves with.
98 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
3. I.e. " I feel quite comfortable, now that the Peace-
maker is coming."
4. See II. 6, n. 8.
5. Net piu basso tempo dell' anno, i.e. when the days
were getting shortest.
6. See I. 20, n. 6. The Signory, which held office from
April 15 till June 15, 1300, had taken proceedings against
three citizens resident at Rome in the Pope's service, for
being concerned in a plot against the State, and had
sentenced them to a heavy fine. On April 24, 1300, Pope
Boniface VIII. wrote to the Bishop of Florence, ordering
him to summon the Signory and Magistrates to quash the
proceedings against the three citizens on pain of excom-
munication and interdict, and to cite Lapo Salterelli (at
that date one of the Priors) and two others as being the
"chief authors" of the proceedings to appear before hiia
(the Pope) within fifteen days, on pain of excommunication
and perpetual disqualification for ' ' all honours and offices
whatsoever." Lapo took no notice of this, but on the con-
trary disclaimed the right of the Pope to meddle with the
jurisdiction of the Florentine government ; and on May 15
Boniface writes again a furious letter to the Bishop of
Florence and the Inquisitor of the Province of Tuscany,
bidding them again to cite Lapo and others to appear before
him within eight days ; and on their failing to appear,
Boniface threatens them with divers pains and penalties,
including proceedings for heresy. These were the ' ' severe
measures" (aspro processo), which caused the contumacious
Lapo to be "in great fear of the Pope." (The letters of
Pope Boniface above referred to are printed in the Codice
Diplomatico Dantesco, disp. 9. )
7. I.e. the Blacks.
8. In calling for "a new and mixed Signory" Lapo
Salterelli meant that the Signory should elect their
successors at once (an illegal proceeding : see below, n. 14),
and that these should consist of Blacks as well as Whites.
9. I.e. when the Blacks should be triumphant in the
city. Pazzino de' Pazzi was one of the leaders of the
Blacks (see I. 23 ; I. 24, n. 6). Lapo Salterelli's base
manoeuvres did not save him from his enemies (see II.
25 ; cf. Par. xv. 128).
10. He had been one of the conspirators against Giano
della Bella (see I. 14). His surname, del Giudice, was
derived from an ancestor named Rustico, who had been
a famous lawyer.
11. A place situated some fifteen miles S.W. of Florence.
THE SECOND BOOK 99
12. Because (he intimates) the tranquillity of the city
would be so fully assured that no guard would be needed
to maintain the authority of the government.
13. His family, originally Ghibelline, had become Guelf,
and had joined the Black Guelfs at the schism of the party
(see II. 23, and I. 22).
14. The difficulty was, that it was expressly provided by
the Ordinances that the election of a new Signory should be
made one day before their predecessors went out of office ;
and the existing Signory would not go out of office until
December 15. They had, in fact, only held office them-
selves for about a fortnight.
15. In 1295 Dino had been accused of having neglected
to enforce the punishment prescribed by the Ordinances
against two Magnates, who had committed an assault against
popolani during the time that he had been Gonfalonier in
1293 (see I. 12). He was acquitted by implication ; for the
proceedings were directed against the then Captain of the
People for not having proceeded against Dino, and the
Captain was acquitted on this charge.
CHAPTER XI
The ambassadors, sent back to Florence by the
Pope (see II. 4), report his answer to the
Signory. The Signory, in view of the critical
state of affairs, determine to keep back this
report from the Councils of the Common-
wealth, and in consultation with six lawyers
pass a resolution, on the motion of Dino Com-
pagni, in favour of submitting to the Pope, and
of requesting him to send Cardinal Gentile of
Montefiore to reform the government of the
city. Maso Minerbetti, one of the ambassadors,
reveals the Pope's answer to the Blacks, who
determine to overthrow the Government by
force (first days of November 1301).
At this time the two ambassadors, who had been
sent back by the Pope, returned. One of them was
ioo CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Maso di M. Ruggierino Minerbetti, a false popolano,
who did not stand up for his own will, but followed
that of others ; the other was Corazza of Signa ( i ),
who was so deeply imbued with Guelf principles
that he could hardly believe such principles not to be
extinct in the minds of everybody else (2). They
reported the Pope's words (3) [to the Signory] ;
wherefore I was to blame in the matter of reporting
his (sic) embassy, [for] I kept it back, and swore
the ambassadors to secrecy ; but I did not keep
it back from a bad motive (4). Afterwards I
assembled six learned lawyers, and caused it to
be brought before them, and I did not permit the
Councils to be summoned, but with my colleagues'
consent I brought forward, supported, and put to
the vote a resolution that this Potentate ( 5 ) should
be obeyed, that a letter should be at once written to
him stating that we were submissive to his will, and
requesting him to send us the Cardinal M. Gentile
of Montefiore (6) to put us straight (7 ). That man
(8), who, on the one hand, was using flattering
words, and, on the other, was urging on the Prince
against us, on finding out who was in the city
(9), abandoned flattery and used threats (10).
One of the ambassadors who was false (11)
revealed the Pope's answer, which the Blacks
could not otherwise have heard. Simone Gherardi
(12) had written to them from Court that the Pope
had said to him, " I am not going to destroy men
for the sake of silly women" (13). Thereupon
the Black Guelfs took counsel, thinking by reason
of these words that the ambassadors had come to
terms with the Pope, and said : " If they have
come to terms we are undone." They determined
THE SECOND BOOK 101
to wait and see what course the Priors would take,
saying : " If they answer * no,' we are dead men ;
if they answer l yes,' let us draw the sword, so that
we may get from them what we can" (14). And
so they did. Immediately on hearing that the
Priors (15) were submitting to the Pope, they
armed themselves at once and began to attack the
city with fire and sword, to consume and to waste
the city (16). The Priors wrote to the Pope
secretly, but the Black party knew all, inasmuch
as those who had sworn secrecy had not observed
it. The Black party had two officers (17) un-
known outside [the party J, whose office lasted six
months (18). One of them was NofFo Guidi (19),
an iniquitous popolano and a pitiless man. For he
acted in the worst manner for his city, and it was
his habit to blame in public the things he did in
secret and the doers of them. He was therefore
held to be a person of good character, and he drew
gain from evil doing.
1. See II. 31. Corazza (breastplate) is a nickname.
His real name was Guido d'Ubaldino Aldobrandinelli. He
had been Gonfalonier in the Signory which held office from
April 15 to June 15 in 1300.
2. // quale ta?ito si riputava guelfo che appena credea che
nell 'animo di ?iiuno fusse altro che spenta. This clause is
very awkwardly constructed, and is complicated by a diffi-
culty as to the reading. We have followed the reading and
interpretation of Del Lungo.
3. See II. 4 (at the end).
4. The constitutional practice was for the reports of
ambassadors to be laid at once before the Councils of the
Commonwealth ; but, as this would have been highly dan-
gerous in the present crisis, the Signory felt justified in
holding over the report. Of course, when Dino speaks in
the first person singular of the things done during his
priorate, it must be understood (even when he does not
expressly say so) that he was acting with the consent of his
102 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
colleagues. It is clear from his narrative that he was the
leading member of the Signory.
5. Q?iesto signore, viz. the Pope.
6. Gentile of Montefiore (a small place in the modern
province of Ascoli Piceno) was a Franciscan ; he was
created Cardinal by Boniface VIII. in 1298, and was for
a long time legate in Hungary under Pope Clement V.
He died at Avignon in 1312.
7. The same expression in the same sense is used by
Dante in Par. xxx. 137.
8. I.e. the Pope.
9. I.e. the forces at the disposal of Charles of Valois
(see II. 9).
10. The threats were probably addressed to the ambas-
sador (Dante), who was still at Rome (II. 4, n. 9), on
receipt of the letter sent by the Signory.
11. Doubtless Minerbetti.
12. See I. 21 (near the beginning).
13. I.e. " it won't be worth my while to quarrel with the
White Guelfs (who, after all, are in possession of Florence),
unless you act like men, and lose no time in crushing
them."
14. The Black Guelfs were persuaded that the Pope had
come to term's with the Whites. Arguing on this erroneous
assumption, they came to the conclusion that whatever-
answer the Signory might make to the Pope's summons
to submit had been preconcerted with the Pope ; and they
viewed the alternatives thus: "If the Signory says 'no,'
i.e. declines to submit, on the ground that we, the Blacks,
are not sincere in wishing for a peaceful settlement, the
Pope will withdraw Charles's authority, or, worse still, will
bid him side with the Whites, and we shall be undone. If
the Signory says 'yes,' i.e. submits, the Pope will com-
mission Charles to effect a genuine pacification, and our
vengeance will elude us. In this case our only chance is
to fight at once."
15. Rettori. The word here obviously refers to the
Priors, and is not used in its technical sense (see Ap-
pendix II. p. 269).
16. An anticipation in the narrative (see II. 15).
17. Priori.
18. I.e. these officers, whose existence was not generally
known outside the party, were appointed every six months.
19. The same person as Noffo di Guido Bonafedi, enume-
rated among the conspirators against Giano della Bella
in I. 14.
THE SECOND BOOK 103
CHAPTER XII
Yielding- to outside pressure, the Signory decide to
elect their successors at once from men of both
parties. Dino Compagni is commissioned by
his colleagues to proceed to the election ; but, in
consequence of a demand by Noffo Guidi that
the Blacks should preponderate in the new
Signory, the election is not carried out (first
days of November 1301).
The Priors were being vehemently urged by the
greater citizens to elect a new Signory. Although
this was contrary to the Ordinances of Justice,
because it was not yet the time to elect them (1),
we agreed that they should be appointed, more out
of compassion for the city than for any other cause.
And I attended in the chapel of S. Bernard (2) on
behalf of the whole Signory, where I had with me
many of the most powerful of the popolani, because
the election could not be made without them (3).
These were Cione Magalotti, Segna Angiolini,
and Noffo Guidi on behalf of the Black party ;
M. Lapo Falconieri, Cece Canigiani, and Corazza
Ubaldini on behalf of the White party (4). And
in a conciliatory manner and with great tenderness
I spoke to them of the deliverance of the city,
saying : " I am going to make the new Signory a
mixed one, since rivalry for office causes so much
discord. " We [all]] agreed, and chose six im-
partial (5) citizens, three from the Blacks and
three from the Whites, We chose for the seventh
(who could not be divided) a man of so little im-
io4 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
portance that no one mistrusted him. The names
of these having been written down I laid them on
the altar. Then NofFo Guidi spoke and said : " I
will say something that will make thee think me
a pitiless (6) citizen." And I told him to keep
silence ; but yet he spoke, and had the arrogance
to ask me that I would be pleased to make their
party more numerous than the other in the [[newj
Signory, which was as much as saying : " Destroy
the other party," and putting me in Judas's place.
And I answered him that before I committed such
treason I would give my children to the dogs to eat.
And thus (7) we departed from the assembly.
1. See II. 10, n. 14.
2. Previously to 1299 the Signory had had no fixed official
residence, though the members of it were obliged to live
together (see I. 4). At first they occupied the Abbey build-
ings (I. 4, 7i. 6), and subsequently various other residences
were rented for their use. Early in 1299 the Councils of
the Commonwealth authorised the building of a palace for
the Signory to dwell in ; and the existing Signory at once
took possession of certain buildings purchased at the public
expense, which formed the nucleus of the famous structure
built by Arnolfo di Cambio (who began his work that very
year) now known as the Palazzo Vecchio. It is uncertain
whether the chapel adorned with frescoes by Ridolfo
Ghirlandaio, now existing on the second floor of this building,
is the same as the "chapel of S. Bernard" here mentioned
by Dino, or whether the latter was situated in some other
part of the pile. The houses of the Uberti were demolished
to form the Piazza in front of the palace (Villani, viii. 26).
3. See I. 11, n. 11.
4. Only the most prominent among those present are
mentioned by name.
5. Comnni. See II. 9, n. 3.
6. Crudele. Cf. II. 11, where Dino applies this epithet
to Noffo Guidi. In the present passage the word is used in
the special sense of pitiless to his native city. So again in
II. 20 of Corso Donati.
7. I.e. without having completed the election. The
existing Signory therefore remained in office.
THE SECOND BOOK 105
CHAPTER XIII
Charles of Valois and the Blacks try to get the
members of the Signory into their hands and
murder them. The stratagem is foiled (Nov-
ember 5, 1301). Measures taken by the Signory
for the safety of the city (October 26-28).
M. Charles of Valois often caused us to be invited
to eat with him. We answered him that the law
bound us by our oath so that we could not do it
(which was true) (1), because between ourselves
we thought that he would have detained us against
our will. But yet one day he drew us from the
palace, saying that he wished to hold a conference
at Santa Maria Novella outside the city for the
welfare of the citizens, and might it please the
Signory to be present. Since to refuse would have
shown too much suspicion, we decided that three
of us should go there and the others should remain
in the palace. M. Charles caused his men to be
armed, and set them to guard the city at the gates,
both within and without, since his false counsellors
told him that he would not be able to get back
into the city (2), and that the gate would be shut
against him. And under this pretext they had
wickedly intended, if the whole Signory had gone
there, to kill us outside the gate and make them-
selves masters of the city. But they did not suc-
ceed in this, because not more than three £of the
Signory] went there ; and to them he said nothing,
being a man who did not want to talk, but to kill (3).
Many citizens sorrowed for us on account of that
io6 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
journey, for it seemed to them that they (sic) were
going to martyrdom. And when they returned,
those citizens praised God that He had saved them
from death.
Pressure was put on the Signory from all sides.
The good citizens told them to look well to them-
selves and to their city ; the wicked ones harassed
them with difficulties (4) ; so that amid the ques-
tions and answers the day wore away : M. Charles's
barons took up their time with long speeches.
Thus they lived in distress.
One day a holy man came to us secretly and by
stealth (5), begging us not to tell his name, and
said, " Sirs, ye are coming into great tribulation,
and your city also. Send to bid the Bishop make
a procession, and charge him that it go not across
the Arno. Then a great part of the danger will
cease." This was a man of holy life and great
abstinence and of great renown, by name Friar
Benedict. We followed his counsel, and many
derided us, saying that it would be better to
sharpen our weapons.
We passed through the Councils strict and severe
laws (6), and we gave the Magistrates full powers
against any who might cause any affray or tumult ;
and we imposed personal penalties, and ordered the
block and the axe to be put in the Piazza to punish
malefactors and any who should disobey. We in-
creased the authority of the Captain of War, M,
Schiatta Cancellieri (7), and encouraged him to do
well ; though it was of no avail, for the messengers,
servants, and Serjeants betrayed him. And the
Priors discovered that twenty of their Serjeants were
to receive 1000 florins for killing them ; whereupon
THE SECOND BOOK 107
they put the conspirators out of the palace. They
tried very hard to defend the city from the wicked-
ness of their adversaries ; but nothing availed,
because they took peaceable measures, whereas
their measures should have been prompt and severe.
Gentleness is of no avail against great wickedness.
1. The provisions of the Ordinances of Justice, with regard
to the seclusion of the Priors during the term of office, were
very strict.
2. I.e. after the conference at S. Maria Novella.
3. There is again an anticipation of the narrative here.
What actually happened at the conference is related in II. 17.
G. Villani (viii. 49) says that the Priors and the Magistrates
were present in S. Maria Novella, and adds that he was
there himself ; but in view of the express statement of Dino,
himself a Prior, it must be understood that only three of the
Priors were present. Villani, then a young man, was a
mere spectator, while Dino was one of the principals in the
transaction.
4. Questions, i.e. vexatious, embarrassing questions.
5. Lit. "closed" (ckiuso). Cf. Inf. xxv. 147.
6. There is here a retrogression in the narrative (see II.
10, n. 1).
7. See I. 27.
CHAPTER XIV
Military preparations of the Blacks. Feebleness
of the Whites (1st to 3rd November 1301).
The citizens belonging to the Black party spoke
defiantly, saying : " We have the Prince with
us ; the Pope is our protector ; our adversaries are
equipped neither for war nor for peace ( 1 ) ; they
have no money ; their mercenaries are not paid."
They themselves had set in order everything need-
ful for war so as to gather all their allies within
the Sesto of Oltrarno, where they had determined
108 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
to station the forces from Siena, Perugia, Lucca,
Sanminiato, Volterra, and Sangimignano. They
had corrupted all the neighbours (2) ; and had
designed to hold the bridge at S. Trinita, and to
erect on the two palaces (3) an engine for casting
stones. They had also summoned many auxiliaries
(4) from the places around, and all who had been
banished from Florence.
The White Guelfs durst not place soldiers in
their houses, because the Priors threatened to
punish them and any others who should gather
together bodies of armed men ; and thus they kept
friends and foes in fear. But the friends should
not have believed that their friends [the Priors]]
would have put them to death for making prepara-
tions to save their city, even though that order had
been given ( 5 ) . However, it was not so much from
fear of the law as from avarice that they neglected
[to arm themselves], for it had been said to M.
Torrigiano de' Cerchi : " Provide for your defence,
and tell your friends to do the same " (6).
1. Not for war, because of their military weakness ; not
for peace, because of their disunion (see especially II.
6, n. 8 ; II. 8, 10).
2. The word "neighbours" is here used in a special
sense. The reference is to the practice of a number of
citizens occupying neighbouring houses, and forming a
neighbourhood (vicinanza) to club together and maintain a
tower for their common defence in case of a civil war (see
Villani, v. 9). These towers were known as the Towers of
the neighbourhood (Torri delle vicinanze), or of the com-
panies (Torri delle compagnie), to distinguish them from
similar towers maintained by single families (Torri delle
famiglie). The meaning of the passage therefore is, that
the Blacks had taken measures to ensure that the members
or " neighbours" composing these Tower Clubs should be
on their side in the coming fight.
THE SECOND BOOK 109
3. See II. g, n. 12.
4. Villani, i.e. irregular troops [cf. I. io, n. 8).
5. The stringent regulations for the preservation of peace
within the city (see preceding chapter) were not intended
to prevent the Whites from taking measures to defend the
city against the forces of Charles of Valois and the Blacks.
6. See II. 21. Torrigiano de' Cerchi was one of the
heads of the White party (I. 21, 23).
CHAPTER XV
The beginning of bloodshed : the Medici assault
and wound a popolano, but the Podesta
and Gonfalonier fail to take action under the
Ordinances of Justice. The Signory send for
the militia from the Contado. The streets of
Florence barricaded (4th November 1301).
The Blacks, knowing that their enemies were
cowardly and had lost their energy, hastened to
seize the city, and one Saturday, the ... of
November ( 1 ) they made ready their mail-clad
horses, and began to carry out what they had
planned. The Medici, powerful popolani (2),
assaulted and wounded a worthy popolano, called
Orlanduccio Oriandi, by day, after vespers (3),
and left him for dead. The popolani armed them-
selves, horse and foot, and came to the Priors*
palace (4) ; and a worthy citizen, called Catellina
Raffacani, said : " Sirs, ye are betrayed ; night is
coming on ; delay not ; send for the militia of the
Contado ( 5 ) ; and to-morrow at dawn light against
your adversaries." The Podesta did not send his
officials to the offender's house, neither did the
Gonfalonier of Justice stir to punish the outrage,
because he had ten days' time Qo wait]].
no CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
The militia were sent for, and they came and
displayed their banners ; and then secretly went
over to the side of the Black party, and to the
Commonwealth they offered not their service (6).
There was no one to exhort the popolani to
assemble at the palace of the Signory, though the
Gonfalon of Justice was at the windows (7).
The hired soldiers came thither, for they were
not corrupted, and so did other popolani (8), who,
as they stood by the palace, armed, produced some
effect (9). Other citizens also, friends [of the
White party]], came thither on foot and on horse-
back, and some enemies came to see how things
would turn out.
The Priors, unused to war, [were] kept busy
by many who desired audience ; and in a short
time night fell (10). The Podesta did not send
his officials there (n), nor did he arm himself ;
he abandoned his duty to the Priors ; whereas he
had the power to go armed to the offender's house
with weapons, fire, and implements of destruction.
The assembled popolani gave no counsel (12).
M. Schiatta Cancellieri, the Captain, did not come
forward and busy himself in opposing the enemy,
because he was a man fitter for repose and peace
than for war (13); though it was commonly said
that he boasted he would kill M. Charles. But
this was not true. When night was come the
people began to depart, and they strengthened
their houses by blocking the streets with barricades
of wood, so that people might not pass along.
1. The date is left blank in all the MSS., but it must
have been the 4th.
2. I.e. popolani who were Magnates in the statutory sense
THE SECOND BOOK m
(see I. ii, n. 8; I. 13, n. 1). This seems to be the first
historic mention of the Medici.
3. I.e. towards evening (see Conv. iv. 23 : 130 n.).
4. This was in accordance with the Ordinances of Justice,
which enjoined that when a popolano had been murdered by
a Magnate the shops were to be shut, and the popolani were
to arm themselves and remain under arms until justice
should have been done on the offender. The duties enjoined
by the Ordinances on the Podesta and the Gonfalonier in this
case were as follows : The Podesta, with the privity of the
Gonfalonier, was to summon the armed force of the Gon-
falonier (see I. 11, n. 5), and was to send with him certain
officials of his own household (see I. 16, 71. 4) to assist in the
execution of the sentence. The Gonfalonier was to proceed
with his force and with the Podestas officials to the abode
of the offender, and demolish his houses and lay waste his
goods. The Podesta and Gonfalonier were bound to act in
the business with the utmost despatch. In the present case
it is important to bear .in mind that it was at first taken for
granted that Orlandi had been killed, and Dino in blaming
the Podesta and Gonfalonier for their remissness (as he does
below in this chapter), implies that they showed disloyalty to
the government in not taking action against the offender
immediately on being informed that the victim was dead,
even though the fact, afterwards discovered, that he had
only been wounded made it illegal for them to proceed
to demolish the offender's house until after ten days had
elapsed without the prescribed fine having been paid.
5. Le vicarie, i.e. the forces commanded by the Vicars
(see II. 7, n. 9) of the Contado, including the irregular
troops or militia of the country districts (see I. 21, ?i. 8).
6. An anticipation in the narrative. The militia did not
arrive till later (see II. 17).
7. It was the business of the Podesta to summon the
forces of the Gonfalonier (see n. 2).
8. Not the Gonfalonier's forces, of course, but other
popolani.
9. Lit. "were followed to some extent," i.e. somewhat
reassured the panic-stricken Whites.
10. This sentence, unusually concise, even for Dino, needs
some expansion in order to be understood. The meaning
apparently is that the Priors had sent for the militia, as
they had been advised, and made up their minds to fight,
but, being inexperienced in military matters, consumed so
long a time in seeing people and giving orders about the
necessary steps to be taken, that night came on before they
had finished their business.
ii2 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
ii. I.e. to the houses of the Medici (see n. 4). The
Podesta was M. Tebaldo of Montelupone.
12. The meaning seems to be that the Priors in their
extremity called upon the popolani who had gathered at
the palace to deliberate with them on the situation, but in
vain.
13. See I. 27.
CHAPTER XVI
The Magnates of the Black and White parties
come to an understanding. This weakens
the Signory (a) by depriving them of the
support of the Magnates of their own party ;
(b) by taking all heart out of their Ghibelline
supporters (November 1-4, 1301).
M, Manetto Scali (in whom the White party
had great confidence, since he was strong in friends
and adherents) began to fortify his palace, and
made engines there for casting stones. The Spini
had their great palace opposite his and had taken
steps to fortify themselves (1), for they well knew
that they would need to make a stand there on
account of the great power which they judged the
House of the Scali to possess.
Within the said time (2) the said parties began
to work fresh guile (3), for friendly words passed
between them. The Spini said to the Scali,
" Come now, why do we act thus ? We are, after
all, friends and kinsmen, and we are all Guelfs ;
we have no other purpose than to lift from our
necks the chain which the people (4) lays on you
and us ; and we shall [then] be greater than we are
THE SECOND BOOK 113
[now]. Help, for God's sake ! let us be one, as
we ought to be."
And thus the Buondelmonti behaved toward the
Gherardini, and the Bardi to the Mozzi, and M.
Rosso della Tosa to Baschiera his kinsman ; and
thus did many others behave (5). Those who
listened to such words were moved in their hearts
through love for their party (6). Wherefore their
followers (7) lost heart. The sight of this [recon-
ciliation] made the Ghibellines believe that they
were being deceived and betrayed by those in
whom they trusted (8), and they were all filled
with consternation. And thus it happened that
few people, save certain craftsmen to whom [the
Priors ~J had committed the guard [of their palace],
remained out of doors (9).
1. The importance of the position will be made plain by
a reference to II. g, n. 12, and II. 14.
2. The concluding sentences of this chapter seem to
imply that the negotiations about to be described took place
in the afternoon and evening of the same day (Nov. 4) on
which the events of the preceding chapter occurred.
3. The Black Magnates acted with " guile," because their
only object was to get possession of the city ; the Whites
because they were betraying their own cause,
4. The "people" are, of course, the popolani (see I. 4,
n. 2). The "chain" denotes in particular the Ordinances
of Justice.
5. Cf. the lists of the adherents of the two parties in
I. 21, 22.
6. I.e. the White Magnates who listened to the overtures
of the Black Magnates were moved by a desire to heal the
breach in the Guelf party.
7. I.e. the White popolani.
8. See I. 20, n. 7 ; I. 22.
9. Cf. end of preceding chapter.
ii4 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XVII
Charles of Valois demands that the custody of the
city shall be made over to him ; and his officers
pledge his word that he will exercise his
authority at the pleasure of the Signory ; where-
upon Charles admits the banished members of
the Black party. Helpless position of the
Signory (November 5, 1301).
The barons of M. Charles and the wicked knight
M. Mucciatto Franzesi (1) were always about the
Priors, saying that the custody of the city and its
gates, and especially of the Sesto of Oltrarno, should
be left to them ; that the custody of that Sesto
belonged to their Prince (2), and that he would
have the evil-doers (3) severely punished. And
beneath this [pretext] they hid their wickedness,
for their object was to acquire greater authority (4)
in the city.
The keys were denied to M. Charles, but the
gates of Oltrarno were committed to his charge ;
and the Florentines were removed from them
and the French placed there in their stead.
And M. Guglielmo, the Chancellor (5), and the
Marshal of M. Charles made oath before (6) me,
Dino, who received the oath on behalf of the
Commonwealth ; and they pledged me the faith of
their lord, that he would take upon himself the
custody of the city and keep and hold it at the
pleasure of the Signory. And never did I believe
that so great a prince, and one of the Royal House
of France, would break his faith ; whereas but a
THE SECOND BOOK 115
small part of the following night had passed when,
by the gate which we had committed to his custody,
he admitted Gherarduccio Buondelmonti, who had
been banished, accompanied by many other banished
citizens (7). Application was made to the Priors
by a worthy popolano named Aglione di Giova
Aglioni, who said, " Sirs, it will be well to cause
the gate at San Brancazio (8) to be more strongly
fortified," He was answered that he might cause
the gate to be strengthened as seemed fitting to him ;
and they sent the masons thither with their banner.
The Tornaquinci, a powerful family (9), who
were well provided with retainers and friends,
assaulted the said masons, wounded them, and put
them to flight ; some foot-soldiers also who were
in the towers (10) abandoned them through fear.
The Priors, therefore, on hearing this news and
that, perceived that they could find no remedy (11).
And this they [also] learnt from one who was
arrested at night going about disguised as a seller of
spices, summoning (12) the powerful Houses (13)
£and]] warning them to arm themselves before
daybreak.
And so all their hope failed ; and they decided,
when the militia of the Contado (14) should have
come to their aid, to undertake the defence [of the
city]. But this plan miscarried ; for the worth-
less militia abandoned them, and concealed their
flags, breaking them off from the poles ; and their
servants (15) betrayed them; while the noblemen
from Lucca, who had been robbed by the Bordoni
and had had the houses where they were lodging
taken from them, departed and would not trust
themselves [to remain in the city] (16); and many
n6 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
of the hired soldiers deserted to the service of their
adversaries. The Podesta did not take up arms,
but exerted himself to aid M. Charles Valois with
words.
i. See II. 4, n. 2.
I. On the ground that he had fixed his residence there
(see II. 9, n. 12).
3. I.e. with special reference to the attack by the Medici
on Orlandi (II. 15).
4. Piu giuridizione.
5. See II. 6, n. 3.
6. Lit. "into the hands of." This scene took place at
S. Maria Novella (see II. 13, n. 3).
7. See I. 24, n. 6.
8. The ancient church of S. Pancras [Brancazio is a cor-
ruption of Pancrazid) gave its name to one of the gates in
the old walls (the cerchia antica of Par. xv. 97), which at
the time of which Dino is writing had long since dis-
appeared. The gate corresponding to it in the "second
circle" of walls (which were still existing) was called
S. Paul's Gate {Porta di S. Paolo), and this is the gate
which Dino here refers to ; but the old association of a gate
with S. Pancras' Church still apparently survived in popular
language. The gate was a little to the south of the modern
Piazza di S. Maria Novella. The church also gave its
name to one of the Sesti or Sestieri into which Florence
was divided (I. 4, n. 5).
9. They were Magnates of the Black party, and their
houses were close to the " gate at S. Pancras."
10. The " towers" are the towers on the walls and gates
of the city. The "foot-soldiers" were probably the mer-
cenaries from Romagna mentioned in II. 24, under the
command of Baschiera Tosinghi.
II. I.e. that they must give up all hope of controlling the
Blacks and enforcing the supremacy of the laws.
12. Invitando : elsewhere used in the technical sense of
summoning troops (I. 25 ; II. 14).
13. I.e. the families of Magnates and popolani of the
Black party.
14. See II. 15, n. 5.
iS- Cf. II. 13.
16. One is surprised that the Signory should have looked
for help in this quarter (see II. 9 ; I. 21) ; but it is clear
THE SECOND BOOK 117
that the nobles from Lucca must in some way have led the
Signory to count on their support. The fact that the
Lucchese were attacked by the Bordoni, a family of Black
popolani, points the same way.
CHAPTER XVIII
Treacherous manoeuvres of the Blacks. Corso
Donati forces his way into the city. The
chiefs of both parties sent as hostages to
Charles, who releases the Blacks and keeps
the Whites prisoners (November 6, 1301).
The day following the barons of M. Charles and
M. Cante of Gubbio (1), and several others, came
to the Priors to occupy their time arid energy
with long speeches. They swore that their Prince
deemed himself to have been betrayed (2), and
that he was ordering his knights to arm them-
selves, and they trusted it might be the Priors'
pleasure that ample vengeance should be taken.
They said : " Hold it for certain that if our
Prince is not minded to avenge the misdeed as
you would have it avenged (3), you may cut
off our heads." And the Podesta, who came
from M. Charles's house, said the same, ^addingj
that he had heard him swear with his own mouth
that he would have M. Corso Donati hanged.
The latter, who had been outlawed, had entered
Florence in the morning (4) with twelve com-
panions, coming from Ognano (5). He had
crossed the Arno, and gone along the walls as
far as S. Piero Maggiore, which place had been
left unguarded by his adversaries, and entered the
city like a bold and fearless knight (6). M. Charles
n8 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
did not swear the truth, since it was with his know-
ledge that M. Corso came.
M. Corso having entered Florence, the Whites
were warned of his arrival, and they v/ent against
him with what force they could. But those who
were fully armed and mounted durst not resist
him ; the others, seeing themselves abandoned,
drew back (7), so that M. Corso took the houses
of the Corbizzi by S. Piero without opposition,
and placed his own banners upon them (8) ; and he
broke open the prisons, so that the prisoners came
out of them ; and many people followed with a large
force. The Cerchi took refuge in their own houses,
remaining there with closed doors. Those who
were bringing so much evil to pass (9) set to
work with guile, and converted [~to their side J
M. Schiatta Cancellieri, and M. Lapo Sal-
terelli ( 1 o), who came to the Priors and said :
" Sirs, ye see that M. Charles is very angry, and
desires that the vengeance taken be ample, and that
the Commonwealth remain supreme. And there-
fore we think that the most powerful men of
both parties should be chosen and sent to him
as hostages ( 1 1 ) ; and then let the very greatest
vengeance be executed/' These words were far
from the truth. M. Lapo wrote the names :
M. Schiatta commanded all whose names were
written to go to M. Charles for the greater tran-
quillity of the city. The Blacks went with con-
fidence, the Whites with fear ; M. Charles placed
them under guard ; the Blacks he allowed to
depart, but the Whites he kept prisoners that
night, without straw and without mattresses, like
murderers.
THE SECOND BOOK 119
O good King Louis (12), thou who so fearedst
God, where is the faith of the Royal House of
France, fallen through evil counsel, fearing not
shame ? O wicked counsellors who have made
a Prince of such high dignity (13) not QonlyJ a
hireling but an assassin, imprisoning citizens wrong-
fully, breaking his faith, and dishonouring the name
of the Royal House of France !
Master Roger, sworn j^clerkj to that house (14),
said to M. Charles, when he came to Master Roger's
convent : " Under thee a noble city is perishing ! "
to whom M. Charles answered that he knew nothing
about it.
1. See II. 9, n. 6.
2. By the Blacks ; referring to the outrage committed
by the Medici against Orlandi (II. 15), the attack by the
Tornaquinci on the masons (II. 17), and the return of the
banished citizens (II. 17 and the present chapter).
3. I.e. under the Ordinances of Justice, the reference
being to the outrage on Orlandi.
4. I.e. the morning of the previous day, Sunday, Novem-
ber 5 (see I. 23 ; I. 24, n. 6).
5. A village on the left bank of the Arno, a few miles
west of Florence, now known as S. Stefano a Ugnano.
6. Corso Donati, after crossing over to the right bank of
the Arno, worked his way northward and eastward along
the city walls and forced the gate of Pinti [cf. G. Villani, viii.
49), also known by the name of S. Peter's Gate [Porta di
S. Piero), formerly borne by a corresponding gate in the
'* first circle " of walls (see II. 17, ?i. 8), which gate gave
its name to the Sesto of Porta (Por) S. Piero. The effect of
Corso's entrance was that the eastern part of the city fell
into the hands of the Blacks, who had also secured the
west [Sesto di'S. Pancrazio) and the south [Sesto d'Oltrarno)
(see II. 17).
7. Those who were "fully armed and mounted" [bene
a cavallo) were Magnates and popolani ; the others were
people of lower station.
8. He seized the houses of the Corbizzi because his own
(which were in that same Sesto) had been destroyed (I. 23 ;
I. 24, n. 6).
120 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
9. I.e. the Blacks.
10. Cf. II. 15 ; II. 10, n. 9.
11. I.e. so as to ensure that no excesses should be com-
mitted by either party.
12. St. Louis IX., king of France from 1226 to 1270, and
paternal grandfather of Charles of Valois.
13. // sangue di si alta corona.
14. " Master" was the title given to doctors of divinity.
The ' ' sworn clerks " of a prince were a kind of ecclesi-
astical advisers, or state theologians, employed in matters
where the relations between Church and State were in-
volved.
CHAPTER XIX
The Priors, after a last fruitless appeal to the
Popolani, resign office, and their successors,
all members of the Black party, are appointed
(November 7). Six days of anarchy and pillage
in the city (November 4-9, 1301).
The leaders of the White party being thus kept
prisoners, the dismayed popolani began to lament.
The Priors commanded the great bell which was
on their palace to be sounded, although it was of
no use, since the popolani) being dismayed, did not
assemble. From the houses of the Cerchi not a
man came out armed either on horseback or on
foot. M. Goccia and M. Bindo Adimari and
their brothers and sons alone came to the palace ;
and as no one else came, they returned home, and
the piazza remained deserted.
In the evening (1) a marvellous sign appeared in
the sky, namely, a bright red cross above the Priors'
palace. Its beams were more than a span and a
half in width, the length of the one line appeared
to be 20 cubits, that of the tranverse line a little
THE SECOND BOOK 121
less. This appearance lasted during such time as
a horse would take to run twice in the tilt (2).
Wherefore the people who saw it, and I who
clearly saw it, might understand that God was
greatly angered against our city (3).
The men who feared their adversaries (4) hid
themselves in their friends' houses. One enemy
attacked another ; houses began to be burnt ; rob-
beries were committed ; and furniture was removed
to the houses of the poorer inhabitants (5). The
Black Magnates demanded money from the Whites ;
maidens were married by force ; men were slain.
And when a house was burning fiercely, M. Charles
would ask, " What fire is that ? " and he was told
that it was a cottage when it was a rich palace.
And this evil-doing lasted six days (6), for so it
was planned. The Contado was burning on every
side.
The Priors, out of compassion for the city,
seeing the wrong-doing increasing, called on many
powerful popolani for help, praying them for God's
sake to have compassion on their city. But they
would do nothing ; and therefore the Priors re-
signed their office.
The new Priors entered office on the 8th of
November 1301. They were Baldo Ridolfi,
Duccio di Gherardino Magalotti, Neri di M.
Jacopo Ardinghelli, Ammannato di Rota Bec-
canugi, M. Andrea of Cerreto, Ricco di Ser (7),
Compagno degli Albizzi and Tedice Manovelli,
Gonfalonier of Justice, all popolani of the worst
stamp, and powerful in their party. And they made
laws that the outgoing Priors might not assemble
in any place on pain of death (8). And when the
122 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
six lawful (9) days ordained for robbery were ful-
filled, they elected as Podesta M. Cante Gabrielli
of Gubbio, who redressed many evils and dealt
with many charges brought, to many of which he
consented (10).
1. The evening of Monday, Nov. 6, when Charles kept
the White hostages prisoners.
2. A correre due aringhi, i.e. within the lists [aringhi) in
a tournament.
3. See Conv. ii. 14, 176^
4. I.e. the Whites.
5. Viz. from the houses of the wealthy, with a view to its
greater security.
6. Nov. 4-9 inclusive. Cf. G. Villani, viii. 49.
7. See I. 14, n. 9.
8. On the 7th Nov. the Council of the Hundred Men (see
Appendix II.) had passed an Act (afterwards, probably on
the same day, passed by the other councils also) appointing
the new Signory (which was to hold office during the remain-
ing period of the term of the outgoing Signory, viz. till Dec.
15), and conferred on them full powers of government. In
the Act a special proviso was inserted, enabling all or any of
the members of the outgoing Signory and their Notary to
meet together wherever they pleased during their successors'
term of office. Almost the first thing the new Signory did in
virtue of the full powers conferred on them was to repeal this
proviso, as Dino here tells us. The premature election of
the first Black Signory may perhaps be alluded to in Purg.
vi. 143-144.
9. Di titih. A technical phrase in law and commerce
which Dino here ironically applies to the licensed pillage
instituted by the victorious Blacks.
10. // quale riparb a molti mali e a molte accuse fatte, e
molte ne consent!. The meaning appears to be that while the
new Podesta in his judicial capacity redressed some of the
more monstrous wrongs committed during the six days of
anarchy, or at least attempted to clothe them with some
semblance of legality, he gave favourable audience to accu-
sations made by the Blacks, and laid a heavy hand on the
Whites.
THE SECOND BOOK 123
CHAPTER XX
Description of the Black leader Corso Donati. Ex-
cesses committed by Charles of Valois and the
Black Magnates (November 1301).
A knight, after the likeness of Catilina the Roman,
but more pitiless than he, of gentle blood and
handsome person, pleasant of speech, adorned by
courteous manners, a man of subtle wit, with a
mind always intent on evil-doing (who had a great
retinue and round whom many adherents gathered),
caused many acts of arson and robbery to be com-
mitted, and wrought great damage to the Cerchi
and their friends. Much wealth did he gain, and
to a great height did he rise. This was M. Corso
Donati, who, on account of his pride, was called the
Baron ; and when he passed through the city many
would shout, " Long live the Baron ! " and it
seemed as if the city belonged to him. Led
on by vainglory he rendered many services [to his
supporters].
M. Charles of Valois, a prince given to lavish
and ill-regulated expenditure, must needs [at last]
disclose his wicked intention (1), and he began to
try to get money from the citizens. He caused to
be cited before him the former Priors whom he had
distinguished so highly, and invited to eat with him,
and to whom he had promised on his faith and by
his sealed letters (2), not to overthrow the rights of
the city nor to transgress the municipal laws. He
wished to get money from them by charging them
with having opposed his passage (2), and taken on
124 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
themselves the office of peacemaker (3), and injured
the Guelf party, and with having begun to build for-
tifications at Poggibonsi (2) contrary to the honour
of the king of France and his own. Thus he
persecuted them in order to get money. And
Baldo Ridolfi, one of the new Priors, played the
mediator, and said, " Ye would surely sooner give
him of your money than go prisoners into Apulia "
(4). They gave none ; for [M. Charles] was so
increasingly blamed throughout the city, that he
let them alone.
There was in Florence a rich popolano of great
goodness, called by name Rinuccio di Senno
Rinucci, who had paid much honour to M. Charles
at a beautiful estate of his, when M. Charles was
going out fowling with his barons. This man he
caused to be seized, and imposed on him a ransom
of 4000 florins, without which he would send
him prisoner into Apulia. At the prayers of his
friends, however, he released him for 800 florins.
And in similar ways he extorted much money.
The Donati, the Rossi, the Tornaquinci, and
the Bostichi wrought grievous mischief; many
popolani (5) did they violently oppress and plunder.
And especially the sons of Corteccione Bostichi (6) ;
they had undertaken to guard the goods of one of
their friends, a rich popolano called Geri Rossoni,
from whom they received 100 florins for guarding
them ; and when the money was paid they robbed
him of the goods. On Geri's complaining of this,
their father told him that he would, in exchange
for his property, give him so much of his own land
as would satisfy him ; and proposed to give him
(Geri) an estate which he had at S. Sepolcro (7)
THE SECOND BOOK 125
that was worth more than what they had deprived
him of. But when Corteccione wanted the excess
value in ready money, Geri answered, " So you want
me to give you money in order that your sons may
take the land away from me ? (8). This I will not
do, for it would be poor amends/' And thus the
affair ended. These Bostichi did very many evil
things, and persisted in them for long (9). They
punished men with the rope at their own houses,
which were situated in the New Market in the
midst of the city, and they put them to the torture
at midday. And it was commonly said throughout
the city, " There are many courts here " (10) : and
in counting the places where torture was applied,
men said, " At the houses of the Bostichi in the
Market."
1. Viz. not to act as a peacemaker, but to oppress the
White Guelfs and extort money from them.
2. See II. 7, 17.
3. I.e. he accused them of having tried to settle the govern-
ment of the city (see, for instance, II. 12), independently of
the authority committed to him by the Pope.
4. I.e. the dominions of Charles's kinsman, Charles the
Lame (see I. 7, n. 6).
5. Molta gente. Gente here, as elsewhere, seems to be
used as synonymous with popo la ni.
6. Corteccione is a nickname. Its derivation, from cor-
teccia (bark), suggests a person of rough exterior. The
Bostichi occur in Cacciaguida's enumeration of the great
families of ancient Florence in Par. xvi. 93.
7. A village close to Florence.
8. Even as they had already robbed him of his goods.
9. I.e. beyond the six "lawful" days (II. 19, n. 9).
10. There is a play on court = courtyard, and court =
tribunal.
126 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XXI
The victorious Blacks oppress and plunder their
enemies. Dino's apology for the conduct of
himself and his colleagues in the last White
Signory.
Many shameful wrongs were done : maidens were
outraged, wards were robbed ; helpless men were
spoiled of their property and driven out of the
city (i).
And [the Blacks]] took whatever measures they
pleased in whatever manner and to whatever extent
they pleased. Many people were accused, and were
obliged to confess that they had made a conspiracy
which they had not made, and were each con-
demned to pay iooo florins. Those who did not
defend themselves were accused (2) and condemned
for contumacy in person and property. Those
who submitted (3) paid [the fine], and then, accused
of new offences, were driven from Florence without
any mercy.
Many treasures were hidden in secret places ;
within a few days many changed their tone (4) ;
many insults were uttered, and most unjustly,
against the former Priors, even by those who
shortly before had cried them up : these men
bitterly reviled them to please their adversaries (5) :
and they endured many annoyances. But those
who spoke ill of them lied, since they were all
disposed to the common good and the honour
of the Republic ; but fighting would have been
useless, because their adversaries were full of hope :
THE SECOND BOOK 127
God was favouring them ; the Pope was helping
them ; they had M. Charles for a champion ;
they did not dread their enemies. And so, partly
through fear and partly through greed, the Cerchi
made no preparations ; and they were the leaders
in the discord (6). They, by refusing to feed the
hired troops (7), and by their cowardly conduct,
failed to take any measures of defence and protec-
tion against their overthrow (8) ; and, when blamed
and reproved for this slackness, they answered that
they feared the laws (9). But this was untrue,
for when M. Torrigiano de' Cerchi came to
the Priors to know how to act, he was urged
by them in my presence to provide and prepare
himself for defence, and to tell our other friends
[to do the same] ; and to play the man. They
did not do so, for their hearts failed them
through cowardice ; wherefore their adversaries
took courage from this, and grew bold. That is
why [the Priors] gave the keys of the city to
M. Charles.
1. It is to be understood that the oppression of the
Whites by the Blacks extended for several months after the
nominal restoration of order at the end of the six days of
anarchy.
2. I.e. were charged with contumacy because they had
ignored the proceedings against them.
3. I.e. who made an appearance to answer the charges
brought against them. It is implied that their defence was
unavailing.
4. I.e. turned their coats.
5. I.e. to please the victorious Blacks.
6. I.e. the leaders of the White party.
7. Del Lungo considers that there is a reference here to
the difficulty about paying the mercenaries mentioned below
(see II. 24, at the end). If so, we must take it that the Priors
applied for the money to the Cerchi in the first instance,
128 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
and on their refusal were reduced to borrowing ioo florins
from Baldoni Angelotti.
8. Niuna difesa ne riparo feciono nella loro cacciata.
9. See IT. 14.
CHAPTER XXII
Dino apostrophises individually and collectively
the citizens responsible for the "destruction"
of Florence.
O wicked citizens, workers of the destruction
of your city, to what a pass have ye brought
her ! And thou, Ammannato di Rota Beccanugi,
traitorous citizen, who didst iniquitously address
thyself to the Priors, and with menaces didst
procure that the keys should be given up (1),
behold to what a pass your evil doings (2) have
brought us !
O thou Donato Alberti (3), who madest the
citizens' lives a weariness to them, where are
[now] thy arrogant dealings — thou who didst hide
thyself in a mean kitchen of Nuto Marignolli \
And thou Nuto, provost and elder of thy Sesto (4),
who sufferedst thyself to be deceived through thy
zeal for the Guelf party ! (5).
O M. Rosso della Tosa, glut thy great
soul ! (6) Thou who, in order to have the pre-
eminence, saidst that thy share was great, and didst
shut out thy brothers from their shares ! (7).
O M. Geri Spioi, glut thy soul ! root out the
Cerchi, in order that thou mayest live securely in
thy perfidy ! (8).
O M. Lapo Salterelli, menacing and beating
the Magistrates who did not truckle to thee in
THE SECOND BOOK 129
thy law-suits (9), where didst thou arm thee ? In
the house of the Pulci (10), lying hid !
O M. Berto Frescobaldi, who madest such a
show of friendship for the Cerchi, and didst
constitute thyself a mediator in the strife, because
thou hadst borrowed 12,000 florins from them (11),
where didst thou repay them ? [or] where didst
thou enter an appearance ? (12).
O M. Manetto Scali, who desiredst to be
thought so great and terrible, believing that thou
wouldst lord it for all time (13), where didst thou
seize thy weapons ? where is thy retinue ? where
are those mail-clad horses ? Thou sufferedst
thyself to be overcome by those who, compared
with thee, were in nowise feared !
O ye popolani who longed for office and were
greedy of dignities (14), and took possession of
the Magistrates' palaces (15). Wherein lay the
defence ye made [against the enemy] ? In lies,
in feigning and dissembling, in blaming friends and
praising foes, [and that] only that ye might [your-
selves] escape ! Weep therefore over yourselves
and your city !
1. Cf. II. 17.
2. Note the change from second person singular to second
person plural. Dino seems to regard Ammannato as in
some sort personifying his colleagues. Ammannato was
one of the new Priors (II, 19).
3. Called in I. 12 and II. 25 Donato di M. Alberto
Ristori, in I. 20 Donato Ristori, and in II. 30, as here,
Donato Alberti. The surname Alberti comes from
Donato's father ; the surname Ristori from some other
ancestor.
4. On the establishment of the popular government in
1250 {popolo vecchio) a civic militia was set on foot which was
divided into twenty companies {cf. below, III. 4, n. 4), each
130 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
with its own Gonfalon and Gonfalonier (see G. Villani, vi.
40). The Gonfaloniers of the companies (at the time of
which Dino is speaking) on their appointment chose two
out of their number to bear rule over the rest with the title
of provost [proposto). They held office for two months at a
time, and were chosen in rotation from the Sesti grouped
in pairs. The provosts of the Gonfaloniers were also known
as elders [anziani) : they must not be confounded with the
"elders" or "ancients," who in 1250 formed the Council
of the Captain of the People (Villani, I.e.), and whose office
had now been superseded.
5. I.e. to be deluded into the belief that the Blacks were
the true Guelfs and that the Whites (to which party Nuto
originally belonged) were tainted with Ghibellinism. Cf
I. 13, where we read that Nuto was said to have been
mixed up in the intrigue of the Magnates with Jean de
Chalon.
6. Empi il tuo a?iimo grande. Del Lungo opportunely
refers to the vastus animus ascribed to Catilina by Sallust.
7. See I. 22, n. 5.
8. To appreciate the bitterness of this sarcasm, see
III. 41.
9. See II. 10. In the sentence of banishment against
Lapo Salterelli (II. 25) reference is made to several gross
acts of bribery committed by him in judicial proceedings,
on one occasion even when he was a Prior.
10. The Pulci were Magnates, and most of them belonged
to the Blacks.
11. See I. 22.
12. I.e. in court, on a summons for payment of the debt.
13. I.e. whether the Whites or Blacks gained the victory
(see II. 16).
14. Cf. Dante's taunt in Purg. vi. 133-135.
15. I.e. frequented them in order to intimidate the
Magistrates and prevent the due administration of justice
{cf. I. 15, n. 1).
THE SECOND BOOK 131
CHAPTER XXIII
The Whites persecuted and driven into exile.
Some of the Whites, belonging- to old Ghibel-
line families, join in the persecution (November
1301 and after).
Many £nowJ became powerful through wicked
actions whose names were unknown before, and,
using their power in order to do pitiless deeds,
drove out many citizens, and proclaimed them
rebels, and condemned them in person and pro-
perty (1). They destroyed many mansions, and
they punished many of the Whites in accordance
with what had been settled in writing between
them. None of the Whites escaped being punished.
Neither kindred nor friendship availed anything,
nor could the punishments appointed for any be
diminished or commuted. New marriages were of
no avail (2) ; every friend became a foe ; brother
forsook brother ; son forsook father ; all love, all
humanity was extinguished. The Blacks sent many
of the Whites into exile as far off as sixty miles
from the city ; they laid upon them many heavy
fines and many imposts, and took much money
from them. Many patrimonies they ruined.
Neither equity nor mercy nor favour was ever
found in any one. He became greatest who cried
loudest, "Death, death to the traitors! " Many
of the White party who were of ancient Ghibelline
origin were welcomed as associates by the Blacks
solely on account of their evil doing (3). Among
them were M. Betto Brunelleschi, M. Giovanni
132 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Rustichelli, M. Baldo d'Aguglione, and M. Fazio
of Signa (4), and several more, who gave them-
selves up to destroy the Whites ; and besides the
others, M. Andrea and M. Aldobrando of Cerreto,
now called Cerretani (5), who were of ancient
Ghibelline origin and had joined the Black party.
1. " Proclaimed (lit. made) them rebels," &c., i.e. pro-
nounced them contumacious because they did not defend
themselves (see II. 21, n. 2), and sentenced them to banish-
ment and outlawry.
2. On December 15th, Cardinal Matthew of Acquasparta
(see I. 21) returned to Florence, at the bidding of Pope
Boniface VIII. , to co-operate with Charles of Valois in the
"pacification" of the city, where he remained until Feb-
ruary 28, 1302. He arranged some marriages between
Whites and Blacks (G. Villani, viii. 49 ; Villari, 517), which
are here alluded to. The Cardinal's efforts were chiefly
directed to consolidating the power of the Magnates against
the popolani (see Del Lungo, I. 297, 298). Dino does not
anywhere expressly mention this second mission of the
Cardinal to Florence.
3. I.e. the eagerness with which they joined in perse-
cuting their former comrades.
4. See Par. xvi. 56, where Dante couples these names
together. On Baldo d'Aguglione see I. 12 ; I. 19.
Aguglione = Aquilone, a fortress in the valley of the Pesa
(a tributary of the Arno), from which the family had
migrated to Florence. Fazio of Signa (a small town on
the Arno, west of Florence) belonged to the family of
the Morubaldini.
5. I.e. the members of this family, which had now be-
come well known and influential, were spoken of collectively
as the Cerretani, lit. natives of Cerreto, a small place in
the lower valley of the Arno, whence they had originally
come. As to Andrea of Cerreto see II. 10; II. 29.
THE SECOND BOOK 133
CHAPTER XXIV
Commendation of the behaviour of Baschiera
Tosinghi.
Baschiera Tosinghi was a young son of a Guelf,
a knight named M. Bindo del Baschiera, who had
suffered many persecutions for the sake of the Guelf
party, and had lost an eye at the fortress of Fucec-
chio (1) from an arrow which struck him, and had
been wounded and slain in the battle with the Are-
tines (2). This Baschiera survived his father, and
when, as a young man who deserved it, he ought
to have had his share of the honours of the city,
he was deprived of it, because the elder branch of
his House took the honours and profits for them-
selves, and did not share them in common (3).
When at the coming of M. Charles the city changed
its government, Baschiera, his mind aflame for the
Guelf party, armed himself vigorously, and fought
with fire and sword against his kinsmen and ad-
versaries, with the company of soldiers which he
had with him. The soldiers (whom the Common-
wealth had hired from Romagna), on seeing that
the city was being lost, abandoned him (4), and
went to the Palace to receive their pay, which they
demanded so as to have an excuse to depart (5).
The Priors borrowed 100 florins from Baldone
Angelotti, and gave them to the soldiers ; but the
lender insisted that the soldiers should stay with
him to guard his house ; and thus Baschiera lost
the mercenaries who were with him. Would that
the other citizens of his party had had such energy ;
134 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
for ^thenj they would not have lost ! But they
deluded themselves into the belief that they would
not be attacked.
i. The allusion is to the unsuccessful siege of Fucecchio
(where the flower of the Guelf exiles had gathered) by
Guido Novello (vicar of King Manfred in Florence) and the
Ghibelline army in 1261 (G. Villani, vi. 82). Fucecchio is
in the Arno valley between Empoli and Pisa.
2. See I. 10.
3. See I. 22, n. 5 ; II. 22. The " elder branch " was that
of Rosso della Tosa (Tosinghi).
4. See II. 17, n. 10.
5. I.e. if, as they expected, their pay was refused (see
II. 21, n. 7).
CHAPTER XXV
Visit of Charles of Valois to Rome, followed by a
proscription of Ghibellines and White Guelfs
to the number of 600 and more (1302).
After M. Charles had restored the Black party to
Florence, he went to Rome ; and when he de-
manded money from the Pope, the latter answered,
" that he had put him in the fountain of gold " (1 ).
A few days later it was said that certain of the
White party were engaged in a plot with M. Piero
Ferrante of Languedoc, a baron of M. Charles,
that he should slay M. Charles at their request,
and papers containing the terms of the plot were
found (2). M. Charles, having returned from
Court, one night assembled in Florence a secret
council of seventeen citizens, in which they con-
sulted that they might cause certain, whom they
named as guilty, to be seized and beheaded. The
said council was reduced to a smaller number,
THE SECOND BOOK 135
because seven departed from it, and ten remained ;
and the seven did this in order that those named
might flee and leave the city.
That night they secretly sent away M. Goccia
Adimari and his son ; and M. Manetto Scali, who
was at Calenzano, went thence to Mangona (3).
And a little while after M. Muccio of Biserno, a
mercenary with a large troop (4), and M. Simone
Cancellieri (5), the foe of the said M. Manetto,
arrived at Calenzano, thinking to find him, and in
the search they even thrust their swords through
the straw of the beds.
The day following M. Charles caused them
and several others to be cited, and by virtue of
his office of Peacemaker he condemned them as
contumacious and as traitors (6), and burnt their
houses and confiscated their goods to the public
use. These goods M. Manetto caused his partners
to buy back for 5000 florins, so that M. Charles
might not cause the books of the firm in France
to be seized : and [thus] the goods were saved by
that firm (7). M. Giano, son of M. Vieri Cerchi,
a young knight (8), was in the palace of M. Charles
to appear to a citation ; and he had been given into
the charge of two French knights who confined
him to the house with all respect (9). M. Paniccia
degli Erri and M. Berto Frescobaldi, hearing of
it, went into the palace, which was theirs (10), and,
placing themselves between the knight and his two
guards, while speaking with them, made a sign to
him to go, and thus he secretly departed. It was
said that [M. Charles] would have taken much
money from him and then put him to death (n).
The like befell many who were cited, but had
136 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
departed ; for he condemned them in person and
property, and confiscated their goods to the public
use. By this means he got 24,000 florins from
the Commonwealth, and he gave receipts [to the
Commonwealth] for all that he had confiscated in
the exercise of his office of Peacemaker (12). In
the month of April 1302 (13), having caused many
Ghibelline citizens and Guelf citizens of the White
party to be cited, he condemned the Uberti, the
family of the Scolari, of the Lamberti, of the
Abati, Soldanieri, Rinaldeschi, Migliorelli [and]
Tebaldini ; and he banished or placed under
bounds (14) the whole family of the Cerchi — M.
Baldo, M. Biligiardo, Baldo di M. Talano, and
Baschiera Tosinghi ; M. Goccia and his son, Corso
di M. Forese, and Baldinaccio Adimari ; M. Vanni
de' Mozzi ; M. Manetto, and Vieri Scali ; Naldo
Gherardini, the Conti (15) of Gangalandi, M.
Neri of Gaville (16), M. Lapo Salterelli, M.
Donato di M. Alberto Ristori, Orlanduccio
Orlandi, Dante Alighieri who was ambassador at
Rome (17), the sons of Lapo Arrighi, the RufFoli,
the Angelotti, the Ammuniti, Lapo del Biondo and
his sons, Giovangiacotto Malispini, the Tedaldi,
Corazza Ubaldini (18), Ser Petracco di Ser
Parenzo of Ancisa (19), notary for the Reforma-
tions (20) ; Masino Cavalcanti and one of his
kinsmen ; M. Betto Gherardini, Donato and
Tegghia Finiguerri, Nuccio Galigai, Tignoso de'
Macci, and many others, more than 600 men in
all, who wandered about the world in need, some
in one place and some in another.
1. Meaning that by a proscription of the Whites, Charles
could get as much gold as he wanted. Charles left Florence
THE SECOND BOOK 137
on February 13, 1302, for Rome, and got back on
March 19.
2. A copy of the "papers" of this plot is in existence,
but there is reason for suspecting it to have been a forgery
of the Blacks, and that the whole plot was a trumped-up
business — Charles's way of working the " fountain of gold."
See G. Villani (viii. 49) and Lionardo Bruni's " Life of
Dante" (Wicksteed's "Early Lives of Dante," King's
Classics, pp. 125, 126).
3. I.e. Manetto Scali was warned to leave Calenzano, a
village near Florence, in the direction of Pralo. Mangona
or Mangone was a fortress some distance north-east of
Florence, in the valley of the Sieve, among the mountains.
4." He was a condottiere (to adopt the language of a later
time), and had on several occasions been employed in the
pay of the Commonwealth of Florence.
5. The Simone of Pantano described in I. 25.
6. As contumacious, for not appearing in answer to the
citation, as traitors, because presumed guilty in default of
appearance.
7. The transaction was advantageous to all concerned :
to Charles, who doubtless preferred the ready money ; to the
Scali, as it prevented the ruin of their French business,
which Charles, the brother of the French king Philip IV.,
might have effected by the seizure of their books ; and to
the condemned Whites, because their goods were preserved.
8. He is mentioned, though not by name, in I. 10 as
having distinguished himself at Campaldino.
9. Onestame?ite lo teneano per la casa, i.e. he was in
honourable captivity, and had the run of the house.
10. I.e. it belonged to the Frescobaldi (see II. 9, n. 12).
Del Lungo gives good reasons for reading here " Paniccia
degli Erri, and M. Paniccia and M. Berto Frescobaldi."
11. Che tolti gli arebbe danari assai e poi la persona {cf.
Inferno, v. 101, 102).
12. The confiscated property had been seized by Charles
for the treasury of the Commonwealth, and the value was
paid out to him as remuneration for his services. The
receipts he gave are still preserved in the Florentine archives.
13. The sentences here enumerated by Dino were pro-
nounced at various dates between January and October
1302. Dante, for instance, was on January 27 condemned
as contumacious to pay a heavy fine, and on March 10 was
condemned to be burned to death in case he should come
into the power of the Commonwealth.
14. The Ghibelline families first enumerated had long
138 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
since been driven out of Florence, and are therefore only
said to be " condemned," i.e. in person and property in case
of their coming within the jurisdiction of the Common-
wealth ; the remaining families and individuals (White
Guelfs) who had not already been exiled, were sentenced,
some to banishment (outlawry), others to the modified form
of banishment known as being placed under bounds, or
assigned fixed limits of residence [cf. I. 3, n. 5).
15. A name, not a title.
16. See I. 20, n. 3.
17. See II. 4, n. 4.
18. See II. 11, n. 1.
19. The father of Petrarch (see below, III. 4). L'Ancisa,
or, as it is now called, Incisa, is in the valley of the Arno,
south-east of Florence, towards Arezzo.
20. We might perhaps describe this appointment as that
of Registrar to the Signory. The Reformations {Rifor-
magioni) were the bills (as we should say) brought by the
Signory before the Councils for discussion, and passed by
them.
CHAPTER XXVI
List of the principal families and individuals among
the Black Guelfs who controlled the city.
The government of the city was Jeft to M. Corso
Donati, M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino de'
Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Betto Brunelleschi, to
the Buondelmonti, the Agli, the Tornaquinci, to
some of the Gianfigliazzi, to the Bardi, to some
of the Frescobaldi, to the Rossi, to some of the
Nerli, to the Pulci, the Bostichi, the Magalotti,
the Manieri, the Bisdomini, the Uccellini, the
Bordoni, the Strozzi, the Ruccellai, the Accia-
juoli, the Altoviti, the Aldobrandini, the Peruzzi,
and the Monaldi ; to Borgo Rinaldi and his
brother, to Palla Anselmi, Manno Attaviani, Nero
Cambi, Noffo Guidi, Simone Gherardini, Lapo
THE SECOND BOOK 139
Guazza, and many others, citizens and inhabitants
of the Contado, of whom none can excuse him-
self from having been a spoiler of the city. Nor
can they say that any necessity constrained them
except pride and rivalry for office ; seeing that the
hatred amongst the citizens was not so great that
the city need have been disturbed by war between
them, if the minds of the false popolani ( 1 ) had
not been corrupted to do wrong for the sake of
gain, nay, rather, of robbery, and of holding the
offices of the city.
A youth named Bertuccio de' Pulci, who had
returned from France, finding his partners banished
from the city, left his kinsmen in power and
stayed away with his partners ; and this came to
pass through his greatness of soul.
1. I.e. the popolani who had joined the Blacks, and so
identified themselves with that portion of the Guelfs which
was, at bottom, hostile to the popolano government and
desirous of increasing the power of the Magnates [cf, II. 16).
CHAPTER XXVII
The Blacks persuade Charles of Valois to attack
Pistoja, which was still in the hands of the
Whites (see I. 25). He does so (Dec. 1301),
but without effect. Capture of the Pistojan
fortresses of Serravalle (Sept. 1302) and Mon-
tale (May 1303).
M. Schiatta Cancellieri, the Captain (1), from
whose family sprang the two accursed parties
140 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
among the Guelfs in Florence (2), returned to
Pistoja and began to arm and provision the for-
tresses, and especially Montale towards Florence,
and Serravalle towards Lucca (3).
The Black party came at once (4) to M. Charles
of Valois to induce him to take Pistoja, and pro-
mised to give him a large sum of money if he did ;
and with this intention they prevailed upon him to
go against it with his troops, who were in very bad
order. The city was strong and furnished with
good walls and great ditches, and with brave
citizens ; and they brought him thither several
times [in vain], so that Mainardo of Susinana (5)
blamed him and told him that he was acting im-
prudently in going there. And in consequence of
being badly guided, at a rainy season, he and his
soldiers were brought into the marshes, where the
Pistojans, if they had so wished, might have
captured him ; but, fearing his high rank, they let
him go.
The Florentines and the Lucchese laid siege to
Serravalle (6), knowing that it was not in a state
of defence, because M. Schiatta had mentioned in
conversation to M. Geri Spini and M. Pazzino de'
Pazzi (wiser men than he) that it was not in a state
of defence. Wherefore the fortress surrendered on
terms, the inhabitants being granted their liberty;
but the terms were not kept, for the Pistojans
were made prisoners (7). Montale, in consequence
of negotiations which Pazzino dei Pazzi, who was
near there, at Palugiano (8), had carried on with
those inside, was surrendered for 3000 florins,
which they received from the Florentines, and
was demolished.
THE SECOND BOOK 141
1. See I. 27.
2. It will, of course, be understood that the origin of the
names of Whites and Blacks, as applied to the followers of
the Cerchi and the Donati, is all that is to be ascribed to
the family of the Cancellieri. The reader of B. I. will re-
member that the division of the Guelf party had already
come to pass before the Cerchi drove the Blacks out of
Pistoja (I. 25).
3. It does not appear, however, that he did anything
effectual to strengthen Serravalle (see below, n. 7).
4. I.e. as soon as the White government had been over-
thrown.
5. See I. 7,n. 5 ; II. 9.
6. Dino connects with Charles's abortive attacks on Pis-
toja the, captures of Serravalle and Montale, though these
were later in date (see head-note to this chapter).
7. The capture of the important fortress of Serravalle was
a more serious undertaking than would be supposed from
Dino's account of it. The fortress was besieged by allied
armies from Florence and Lucca under the command in
chief of the Marquis Moro ello Malaspina (see Inf. xxiv.
143-150, n. ). Although at the beginning of the siege the
place was not (as Dino says) in a good state of defence,
still, before the investment was complete, the Pistojans
managed to reinforce the garrison with a large number of
the chief Magnates &\\d.popolani of their city ; and the fortress
held out for about four months, at the end of which time,
after an unsuccessful attempt to raise the siege had been
made from Pistoja, the garrison, who had vainly endea-
voured to make terms, surrendered unconditionally; and
all the Pistojan citizens in Serravalle were sent as prisoners
to Lucca. Dino's statement that the garrison made terms
is incorrect (see authorities cited by Del Lungo).
8. Palugiano, now known as Parugiano, was a fortress
belonging to the Pazzi.
CHAPTER XXVIII
The first wanderings and misfortunes of the White
and Ghibelline exiles (April-June 1302).
After M. Charles of Valois had left Florence on
his way to Apulia to wage the Sicilian war (1),
K
142 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the Blacks of Florence (2), preferring the ruin of
the city to the loss of their own supremacy,
applied themselves by every means to destroy their
adversaries.
The Whites betook themselves to Arezzo, where
Uguccione of La Faggiuola (3), a man of old
Ghibelline family who had risen from low estate,
was Podesta. But Uguccione, whom Pope Boni-
face had bribed by holding out the vain hope that
one of his sons would be made a Cardinal, inflicted
so many injuries on the White exiles, at the Pope's
instigation, that they were obliged to depart ; and
a good number of them went to Forll, where
Scarpetta degli Ordelaffi, a nobleman of For 11, was
Vicar on behalf of the Church (4).
Many horrible misfortunes befell the White and
Ghibelline party. They had a fortress at Pian di
Sco in Valdarno (5), which was garrisoned by
Carlino de' Pazzi with seventy horsemen and a large
body of foot-soldiers. The Blacks of Florence
laid siege to it. It was said that Carlino betrayed
it to them for money he received (6). Accordingly,
the Blacks sent their troops thither, and seized the
men, some of whom they put to death and the rest
they compelled to pay a ransom. Among others
they compelled a son of M. Donato di M. Alberto
Ristori, whose name was Alberto, to pay a ransom
of 3000 lire • and they caused two of the Scolari,
two of the Bagolesi (7), one of the Lamberti, one
of the Migliorelli, and some others to be hanged.
The Ghibellines and Whites who had taken
refuge at Siena did not trust themselves to stay
there, on account of an adage which said, " The
she- wolf plays the harlot ; " that is, Siena, which
THE SECOND BOOK 143
is represented by the she-wolf (8), and which some-
times gave passage and sometimes refused it (9).
And therefore they determined not to remain
there.
1. See II. 2, 7i. 3. Cf. Dante, De Vulg. EL, ii. 6:
47-50, n, ; and Purg. xx. 70-78. Charles left Florence at
the beginning of April.
2. He adds " of Florence" to distinguish them from the
Blacks of Pistoja.
3. A fortress some sixty miles east of Florence, in the dis-
trict of Montefeltro (modern province of Pesaro and Urbino).
Uguccione's father was a person of some consequence, so that
Dino's statement, just below, that Uguccione rose from low
estate is to be understood not absolutely, but relatively. He
was now Podesta of Arezzo for the sixth time. His daughter
became the third wife of Corso Donati.
4. The Ordelaffi, a Ghibelline family, were already pre-
dominant in Fori! in 1300 {Inf. xxvii. 43-45), and before
long secured the absolute dominion of the city. Scarpetta,
the head of the family, like many other Ghibellines in
Romagna, had found it expedient to make some submission
to Pope Boniface, who had succeeded in establishing the
pre-eminence of the Guelfs in that part of Italy. The great
power of this Pontiff is shown by the fact that several cities
elected him to the office of Podesta either for life or for a
limited period.
5. The name of the fortress was Piantrevigne (G. Villani,
viii. 53) ; it was in the upper valley of the Arno, tevrards
Arezzo.
6. See Inf. xxxii. 69.
7. Also known as the Fifanti. All the persons hanged
were Ghibellines.
8. The arms of Siena.
9. See II. 36 and III. 34, where the adage is again
quoted.
144 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XXIX
The White exiles, with help from Pisa and from
the Ubaldini, make war in Mugello, the upper
valley of the Sieve (June 1302). The Blacks
cross the Apennines and ravage the estates of
the Ubaldini. By means of intercepted letters
several of the White exiles are made prisoners
by the Blacks, and beheaded (Jan. 1303).
With the help of the Ubaldini, the Whites and
Ghibellines began war in Mugello ; but first the
Ubaldini insisted on being secured against loss (1).
The Pisans also gave them security ; but Vannuccio
Buonconti, a Pisan, had been bribed to support the
Black party, and therefore [the exiles] received
no help or favour from him (2).
M. Tolosato degli Uberti, hearing of this discord
(3) on his return from Sardinia, made an arrange-
ment with the Pisans (4), and succoured the Ghibel-
line party ; and he went in person to Bologna
and Pistoja, and many others of the house of the
Uberti [did the like J. The Uberti had been
outlaws from their country for more than forty
years without ever having found mercy or pity (5),
living all the time in exile, in high state ; nor was
their dignity ever abased, for they were ever the
companions of kings and lords, and occupied them-
selves in great matters.
The Black party crossed the mountains ; they
burned villages and fortresses ; and they came into
the [valley of the] Santerno, [and] into the Orto
degli Ubaldini (6), and burned it. And not a man
rose up with arms in its defence ! Whereas, if they
THE SECOND BOOK 145
had but cut down some of the trees that were there
and put them on the ground across the places where
the passage was narrow, not one of their adversaries
would have escaped.
The Whites had another misfortune, through the
simplicity of an outlawed citizen of Florence named
Gherardino Diedati. He was staying in Pisa, and,
trusting in his kinsmen, wrote to them that the
exiles under bounds (7) were living from month to
month in hopes of entering Florence by force ; he
also wrote thus to a certain friend of his. The
letters were discovered ; therefore, two young
nephews of his, sons of Finiguerra Diedati, and
Masino Cavalcanti, a beautiful youth, were seized
and beheaded ; while Tignoso de' Macci was
tortured with the rope and died under the torture.
And one of the Gherardini was beheaded. Ah !
how was the sorrowing mother of the two sons
deceived ! (8). For with abundance of tears and
dishevelled hair, she threw herself on her knees in
the midst of the street before the lawyer M. Andrea
of Cerreto (9), and prayed him, with her arms
forming a cross, for God's sake to work for the
deliverance of her sons. He answered that he
was going to the [^Podesta's] Palace on that
account ; but therein he was a liar, for he went
to compass their death.
The citizens, who had hope that the city might
have restj lost it on account of the above-mentioned
crimes ; because until that day no blood had been
shed which would have made peace impossible in
the city (10).
1. The deed of indemnity to the Ubaldini (executed at
S. Godenzo in the valley of the Sieve), by which eighteen of
i46 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the exiles, including Dante, bound themselves to make
good any damage the Ubaldini might sustain in the war is
printed by Del Lungo (ii. 569) , and, in facsimile, in the Codice
Diplomatico Dantesco (disp. 6). The date is now illegible,
but there is every reason to believe it was June 8, 1302.
The Ubaldini, one of the most powerful Ghibelline houses
in Tuscany, ruled all Mugello, and their dominion extended
across the Apennines. They were not subdued by the
Commonwealth of Florence till near the end of the four-
teenth century.
2. V. Buonconti was one of the most powerful of the
citizens of Pisa, and, although the Pisan government gave
a collateral security to the Ubaldini, Buonconti's influence
prevented anything more from being done for the exiles.
3. I.e. the war between the Black Guelfs and the White
Guelfs and Ghibellines.
4. Tolosato degli Uberti, an outlawed Ghibelline of
Florence, had been employed by the Pisan government as
governor of Arborea, one of the provinces [giudicati) into
which Sardinia was divided. On his return he obtained
leave to help the Ghibellines in the war.
5. The forty years are computed from 1258, the date of
the first banishment of the Ghibellines from Florence {cf
Inf. x. 82/:).
6. Also known as Podere degli Ubaldini (estate of the
Ubaldini). Tt comprised a number of castles and villages
in the valley of the Senio, which is between the valleys of
the Santerno and the Lamone, on the Adriatic side of the
Apennines.
7. Mark the contrast between the condition of the exiles
placed under bounds {confinati, cf. II. 25, n. 14), and still
while at their fixed residence under the power of the Floren-
tine government, and the condition of Gherardino Diedati,
who was outlawed [cittadino rubelld).
8. I.e. the two Diedati. Their names were Donato and
Tegghia (II. 25 ; cf. G. Villani, viii. 59). The Gherardini
beheaded was M. Betto, mentioned in II. 25.
9. See II. 23, n. 5.
10. I.e. it was the first time that any of the Whites, who,
after all, were Guelfs, had been executed. After that extreme
measure all possibility of reconciliation was at an end.
THE SECOND BOOK 147
CHAPTER XXX
The second war of Mugello. The Whites and
Ghibellines under the command of Scarpetta
degli Ordelaffi, having secured the fortress of
Monte Accenico as a base of operations, pre-
pare to attack Florence, but are routed by the
Blacks at Puliciano. Cruelty of the Podesta
of Florence, Folcieri of Calvoli (March 1303).
The Whites and Ghibellines met with their third
misfortune (which united them so that the two
names became one) through this cause: Folcieri
of Calvoli being Podesta of Florence (1), the
Whites elected Scarpetta degli Ordelaffi, a young
man of well-balanced character, an enemy of
Folcieri, as their Captain. Under him they as-
sembled their forces, and came to Puliciano, close
to Borgo S. Lorenzo (2), hoping to avail them-
selves of Monte Accenico which had been built
by the Cardinal of the Ubaldini, M. Attaviano (3),
with a triple circuit of walls. Here they and their
friends increased their strength, thinking to take
Puliciano and to come thence to the city. Folcieri
went thither with a few horsemen. The Blacks
followed with great caution, but, seeing that their
enemies did not attack the Podesta (though he
had few men with him), but cut down the bridges
and fortified themselves, they took heart as their
numbers increased. The Whites thought them-
selves as good as captured, and therefore retired in
disorder; and those who were not quick to escape
148 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
remained [prisoners]], for the vassals of the neigh-
bouring Counts immediately ran to bar their passage,
and captured and slew many of them.
Scarpetta, with several other of the leaders, fled
into Monte Accenico. The army of the Whites
and Ghibellines numbered 700 horsemen and 4000
foot-soldiers ; and although the retreat was not
an honourable one, it was more prudent than the
advance. M. Donato Alberti was so slow that he
was seized, as well as a valiant youth named Nerlo,
son of M. Goccia Adimari (4), and two young
men of the Scolari family. And Nanni RufFoli
was slain by Chirico di M. Pepo della Tosa. M.
Donato, clad in a peasant's frock, was ignomini-
ously brought on an ass to the Podesta, who, when
he saw him, asked him : " Are you M. Donato
Alberti?" He replied: "I am Donato (5).
Would that there were here present thus Andrea
of Cerreto, and Niccola Acciaioli, and Baldo
d'Aguglione, and Jacopo of Certaldo, who have
destroyed Florence " (6). Then he put him to
torture with the rope, and fastened the cord to the
bar (7), and left him thus hanging there. Then
he caused the windows and doors of the palace to
be opened, and had many citizens summoned under
other pretexts, in order that they might see the
insult and derision he was putting upon Donato.
And the Podesta was so urgent that he obtained
leave to cut off M. Donato's head ; and this he did
because war was profitable to him, and peace unpro-
fitable (8). And so he treated all [the prisoners]].
And this was not a just decision, but was contrary
to the common laws (9), because when citizens
who have been driven out attempt to return to their
THE SECOND BOOK 149
homes they ought not to be condemned to death.
It was contrary also to the usage of war, for they
[sic) ought to have kept them prisoners.
And the fact that the White Guelf prisoners
were put to death equally with the Ghibellines
caused the Whites and Ghibellines to have perfect
trust in one another ; for until that day they had
always doubted that the others were whole-hearted
with them (10).
1. Folcieri (or Fulcieri) belonged to the family of the
Paolucci Counts of Calvoli (or Calboli), a fortress in the
valley of the Montone on the Adriatic side of the Apennines,
in Romagna. He was Podesta of Florence during the whole
of 1303, having been re-appointed for a second term ( July
to December). See Purg. xiv. 55-66.
2. Borgo S. Lorenzo is the principal place in Mugello.
It is on the line of railway from Florence to Faenza.
3. The phrase " hoping to avail themselves" shows that
the Ubaldini (to whom Monte Accenico belonged) were
now less willing to assist the exiles than in 1302, since the
use of this fortress was specially referred to in the deed of
indemnity (II. 29, n. 1). However, as we see by the present
chapter, the exiles did obtain the use of it, and it continued
to form their base of operations till 1306.
Attaviano ( = Ottaviano) degli Ubaldini (created Cardinal
Deacon by Innocent IV. in 1244, died 1272) was the famous
Ghibelline champion placed by Dante among the Epicureans
in Inf. x. 120.
4. Mentioned in II. 25, but not by name.
5. Cf. II. 22, n. 3. No doubt the extraordinary barbarity
with which Donato Alberti was now treated was due to the
fact that he had been one of the draftsmen of the Ordinances
of Justice (I. 12).
6. See II. 23 ; I. 19 ; I. 8.
7. Lit. the reel, i.e. a bar of that form to which the cord
by which the prisoner was suspended was attached {cf. I.
19, n. 3). After the torture M. Donato was left hanging by
the cord, instead of being taken down.
8. I.e. he wanted the Florentines to be at strife, that he
might fish in troubled waters.
9. I.e. generally recognised principles of law.
150 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
10. Del Lungo takes it that it was the Ghibellines who
had doubted the sincerity of the Whites ; but the sentence
is worded ambiguously so that it may be taken either way,
and probably the mistrust had been mutual.
CHAPTER XXXI
Reflections on the division of the Guelf party.
O M. Donato, how did fortune turn contrary to
thee ! For first they seized thy son, and thou
didst ransom him for 3000 lire ( 1 ) ; and thee
they have beheaded ! Who has done this to
thee ? The Guelfs whom thou lovedst so much,
and [in support of] whom thou didst utter in
every speech of thine a tirade (2) against the
Ghibellines. How could the name of Guelf be
taken from thee by the false chatter of the vulgar ?
How came it that thou wast put to death among
the Ghibellines by Guelfs ? Who deprived of the
name of Guelfs, Baldinaccio Adimari and Baschiera
Tosinghi, whose fathers did so much for the Guelf
party ? Who had authority within a short time to
take away and to give in such wise that Ghibellines
were called Guelfs (3), and the Guelfs of most
authority were called Ghibellines ? Who had
such a privilege? It was Rosso della Tosa (4)
and his followers ; Rosso who for the needs of the
Party did little or rather nothing in comparison
with the fathers of those whose name [of Guelfs]
was taken from them. Herein therefore a wise
man, a most ardent Guelf, Corazza Ubaldini ot
Signa (5), seeing that men were being made
Ghibellines by force (6), spoke well when he
THE SECOND BOOK 151
aid : " The men who are and wish to be
j-hibellines are so many, that to make more of
hem by force is not good."
1. See II. 28.
2. Lit. a column of writing (colonello — colonnino).
3. See II. 23, n. 3.
4. Cf. II. 26 (at the beginning).
5. Cf. II. 11, n. 1.
6. I.e. the White Guelfs, whom the persecution of the
Blacks forced to make common cause with the Ghibellines
(cf. II. 30).
CHAPTER XXXII
The Blacks in league with the Marquis of Ferrara
attempt to seize Bologna, but are foiled by the
Whites who had taken refuge there (April 1303).
The Bolognese form a league against the Mar-
quis, which is joined by the Whites of Florence
(June 1303).
The audacity of the Blacks grew to such a height
that they agreed with the Marquis of Ferrara ( 1 ) to
seize Bologna, marching thither with 600 horsemen
and 6000 foot, while one of the two factions within
[that city], both of which were Guelf, was to at-
tack the other on Easter Day (2). Those of the
Whites who had sought refuge in Bologna bravely
armed themselves and set their troops in array.
The Blacks were afraid, and did not attack [them].
The Marquis abandoned his preparations, and the
Blacks withdrew. For this cause the condition of
the Whites improved in Bologna, and thenceforth
they were welcomed there, while the Blacks were
152 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
counted as enemies. The Bolognese made a leagu^o
with the people of Romagna, saying that the Mar;
quis had tried to betray them, and that if he hac
succeeded he would have thrown Romagna intc
confusion. This league comprised Forft, Faenza,
Bernardino of Polenta (3), the White party of
Florence, the Pistojans, Count Federigo of Monte-
feltro (4) and the Pisans. In the month of June
1303, the said confederates raised a joint force (5)
of 500 horsemen, and appointed M. Salinguerra of
Ferrara Captain (6).
1. This was Azzo VIII. of Este. See De Vulg. EL, i. 12 :
38, n.
2. April 7. The condition of Bologna at this time re-
sembled that of Florence. The Ghibelline party (that of
the Lambertazzi) had been driven out, and the Guelf party
(that of the Geiemei) had split into two factions, one
supporting the Marquis of Ferrara, who wanted to gain
possession of Bologna, the other opposing him. The Mar-
quis's faction was to attack the other ; but the plot was
discovered on April 4, and many of the citizens of that
faction were banished, and their houses and towers de-
molished.
3. Son of Guido ( Vecchio, or Minore) of Polenta, Lord of
Ravenna, who died in 1310. Bernardino was brother to
Francesca of Rimini {Inf. v.), and uncle of Guido Novello
of Polenta, who was Lord of Ravenna during the closing
years of Dante's life.
4. See next chapter.
5. Taglia. Each of the confederates was bound to fur-
nish a certain number of men.
6. Salinguerra Torelli belonged to a noble Ghibelline
family of Ferrara which had been banished in 1240, after a
long struggle with the house of Este.
THE SECOND BOOK 153
CHAPTER XXXIII
I
i
Indecisive fighting- between the Whites and Blacks
in the valley of the Chiana and the upper valley
of the Arno (Summer of 1303).
The Whites marched from Monte Accenico until
,'they were close upon La Lastra (1), burning what
they found. The Aretines reconquered Castig-
lione [Aretino] and Monte a San Savino, and laid
waste Laterina, which was held by the Blacks (2),
who could not succour it because they were with
the Lucchese round Pistoja (3) ; but when [the
Blacks] heard of this they left the Lucchese to
guard Florence, and set out with the Marquis's
cavalry to Montevarchi (4) in order to succour
Laterina.
The Aretines united with the Whites and their
friends from Romagna and some Pisan mercenaries,
and marched to Castiglione degli Ubertini (5) ; and
it was believed that a battle was imminent. But
the Blacks retired, and attacked Castiglione Are-
tino ; and they lost some of their infantry ; but
afterwards they put Montalcino (6) and Laterina
into a state of defence.
The Whites numbered 1200 horsemen and very
many foot-soldiers (7), and they displayed great
energy in seeking battle. But they were deceived
by certain traitors, who took money from their
enemies and prevented the battle from being fought,
alleging that the Pisans were not disposed to risk
the success of the war, in which victory could
certainly be won.
154 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Uguccione of Faggiuola was [Podesta] In
Arezzo, as has been mentioned (8), but on account
of some suspicious behaviour he was removed from
his office, which was given to Count Federigo, son
of the good Count Guido of Montefeltro, whose
fair fame has spread throughout the world (9).
Count Federigo came to Arezzo, accompanied
by Ciappettino Ubertini, and took up the govern-
ment.
i
1. La Lastra is only about two miles from Florence on the
Bologna road.
2. Castiglione Aretino and San Savino are in the valley of
the Chiana, south of Arezzo ; Laterina, in the upper valley
of the Arno (on the right bank), north-west of Arezzo. These
places had fallen into the hands of the Florentines after the
battle of Campaldino (cf. I. 10).
3. See II. 27, near the end, with which the present pas-
sage connects itself.
4. The Marquis is Moro ello Malaspina (see II. 27, n. 7).
Montevarchi is on the left bank of the Arno, west of
Laterina.
5. On the right bank of the Arno between Montevarchi
and Laterina.
6. Montalcino belonged to the Sienese, who were in alli-
ance with the Blacks.
7. I.e. the army which marched to Castiglione degli
Ubertini, as stated in the paragraph before. Dino now con-
tinues his explanation of why the anticipated battle did not
take place, after having stated what the Blacks did when
they had retreated from Montevarchi.
8. II. 28.
9. Cf. Conv. iv. 28 : 60-65 an& ^nf* xxvii. 78.
THE SECOND BOOK 155
CHAPTER XXXIV
Corso Donati and the Magnates intrigue with the
populace against the government of the Popo-
lani, and procure the appointment of a commis-
r sion to inquire into the administration. Recall
r~ of exiles placed under bounds (Summer of
1303)-
The Blacks returned to Florence, and discord
between them arose shortly after, because M. Rosso
della Tosa, M. Pazzino de* Pazzi, and M. Geri
Spini, with their following among the wealthy
traders (1), held the government and the honours of
the city. M. Corso Donati, who thought himself
worthier than they — he was a knight of the utmost
ability in all things he desired to carry out — deeming
that he was not receiving his share [in the adminis-
tration]] sought to humble them and to abolish the
Priors' office [as then existing]] (2), and to exalt
himself and his followers. And he began to sow
discord, and, under colour of justice and compassion,
began to speak after this fashion: "Poor men (3)
are being afflicted and spoiled of their substance
through the taxes and the rates, and some persons
are filling their purses thereby. Let inquiry be
made where such a large sum of money has gone,
since so much cannot have been spent in the war."
And this he demanded with great urgency before
the Priors and in the Councils. The common
people (3) listened willingly to him, believing that
his language was sincere ; and in any case they
were desirous that this matter should be inquired
into. The other party knew not what to answer,
156 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
since wrath and pride prevented them. And [those
who demanded the inquiry]] wrought so effectually,
with the aid of the officials who were with them,
that an inquiry was ordered concerning the acts
of oppression, violence, and robbery [which had
been committed]], and foreign doctors of law \v'exe
appointed as auditors (4). After this the outc.y
diminished (5), and the popolani who were in power,
in order to obtain favour, recalled from banishment,
on the 1st of August 1303, the exiles under bounds
who had not broken their bounds.
1. Col seguito del popolo grasso. \4
2. I.e. under the legislation of 1282 (I. 4) and the Ordi- '
nances of Justice (I. 11 ; I. 18), by which the Magnates had
been excluded from the government of the city.
3. I.e. the smaller traders and the populace.
4. By enactments, dated July 24 and 27, 1303, it was pro-
vided that a commission of six citizens (three Magnates and
three popolani) should be appointed with the most ample
powers to investigate, as from November 1, 1301, the entire
administration of the Government, and all cases of robbery,
extortion, and peculation ; and they were to be assisted by
a foreign doctor of law, to act as auditor of the accounts and
take part in the investigation. This person was one M.
Ghisenzio, of Gubbio. Dino's statement that more than one
auditor was appointed seems therefore to be erroneous.
5. Poi s ammollarono le parole. Though the proceedings
of the commission of inquiry were very protracted, the Act
by which it had been set up remained pretty nearly a dead
letter so far as concerned its ostensible object, expressed in
very pious language in the preamble, namely, the redressing
of the wrongs suffered by widows, orphans, wards, and
other weak and impotent folk. But, considering that the
chief motive of Corso Donati and the Magnates in setting
the inquiry on foot was to bring odium on the government
of the popolaiii, this result is not surprising. Corso's own
interests, however, were not overlooked, for compensation
was awarded him for the damage he had suffered by the
sentence of outlawry passed on him in 1301 (see I. 24, n. 6).
THE SECOND BOOK 157
CHAPTER XXXV
The end of Boniface VIII. (September 7 to
October 11, 1303).
On Saturday, the 7th of September 1303, Sciarra
del a Colonna (1) entered Alagna, a town in the
Reman territory (2), with many troops, and with
them of Ceccano (3), and with a knight who was
there on behalf of the king of France, bearing the
kiig's banner and that of the Patrimony, that is, of
the Keys (4) ; and they broke open the sacristy and
the treasury of the Pope and took much treasure
from him. The Pope, abandoned by his attendants,
remained a prisoner. It was said that the Cardinal
M. Francesco Orsini was there in person with many
Roman citizens (5), and it was held that the attack
had been concerted with the king of France because
the Pope was striving to humble him (6) ; and the
war of the Flemings against him, wherein many
Frenchmen perished (7), was said to have been of
the Pope's contriving. The king of France for
this cause assembled in Paris many doctors and
bachelors of divinity belonging to the Friars Minor,
the Preachers, and other Orders, and here he caused
the Pope to be pronounced a heretic ; and then he
caused the Pope to be admonished (8), accusing him
of many horrible sins. The Pope was a prisoner in
Alagna, and without making any defence or excuse
was brought to Rome, where he was wounded in
the head ; and after some days he died mad (9).
Many were content and glad at his death, for his
rule was harsh and he stirred up wars, undoing many
L
158 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGN1
people, and gathering very much treasure. The
Whites and Ghibellines especially rejoiced at his
death, because he was their hearty foe ; but the
Blacks were greatly disquieted by it.
i. Jacopo, called Sciarra, Colonna was nephew of Car-
dinal Jacopo Colonna and brother of Cardinal Pietro
Colonna, who had been deprived of their dignity and per-
secuted by Boniface VIII. [cf. I. 21, n. 1).
2. Alagna, or Anagni, is about thirty-five miles south-east
of Rome. It was the birthplace of Boniface VIII {cf. Par.
xxx. 148).
3. By "them of Ceccano " (a village about fifteen miles
south-east of Anagni) are meant the sons of John of
Ceccano, whose father had long been kept prisoner by
Boniface.
4. The "knight" was William of Nogaret, a trusted
official of Philip IV. of France. The reason why he dis-
played the " banner of the Keys " was to show that he was
acting " for the defence of the Church " against the heretical
Pope (see Renan, Etudes stir la politique religieuse du regne
de Philippe le bel, pp. 31, 36. In this work a detailed account
of the career of William of Nogaret and of the attack
on Boniface will be found). Musciatto Franzesi (see II.
4, n. 2) was associated with William of Nogaret in the
expedition.
5. Cardinal Napoleone Orsini was in Anagni at the time,
and supported William of Nogaret. The Orsini, as well
as the Colonna, were now in disgrace with the Pope.
6. At the time when Sciarra Colonna and William of
Nogaret seized Boniface he was on the point of issuing a
bull excommunicating Philip IV. and absolving his subjects
from their allegiance.
7. The allusion is to the defeat of the French by the
Flemings at the great battle of Courtrai in 1302, described
by G. Villani (viii. 56).
8. The assembly was held at the Louvre on March 12,
1303, and the "admonition" probably refers to the sum-
mons which William of Nogaret addressed to Boniface
requiring him to call together a general council which
should pronounce on the accusations brought against him
by the French king. A second assembly was held at the
Louvre on June 13, after Nogaret's departure for Italy, at
which the matter was further discussed.
THE SECOND BOOK 151
said : " The men who are and wish to be
Ghibellines are so many, that to make more of
them by force is not good."
1. See II. 28.
2. Lit. a column of writing [colonello — colonnind).
3. See II. 23, 71. 3.
4. Cf. II. 26 (at the beginning).
5. Cf II. 11, n. 1.
6. I.e. the White Guelfs, whom the persecution of the
Blacks forced to make common cause with the Ghibellines
[cf. II. 30).
CHAPTER XXXII
The Blacks in league with the Marquis of Ferrara
attempt to seize Bologna, but are foiled by the
Whites who had taken refuge there (April 1303).
The Bolognese form a league against the Mar-
quis, which is joined by the Whites of Florence
(June 1303).
The audacity of the Blacks grew to such a height
that they agreed with the Marquis of Ferrara (1) to
seize Bologna, marching thither with 600 horsemen
and 6000 foot, while one of the two factions within
[that city], both of which were Guelf, was to at-
tack the other on Easter Day (2). Those of the
Whites who had sought refuge in Bologna bravely
armed themselves nnd set their troops in array.
The Blacks were afraid, and did not attack [them].
The Marquis abandoned his preparations, and the
Blacks withdrew. For this cause the condition of
the Whites improved in Bologna, and thenceforth
they were welcomed there, while the Blacks were
15,2 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
counted as enemies. The Bolognese made a league
with the people of Romagna, saying that the Mar-
quis had tried to betray them, and that if he had
succeeded he would have thrown Romagna into
confusion. This league comprised Forlvi, Faenza,
Bernardino of Polenta (3), the White party of
Florence, the Pistojans, Count Federigo of Monte-
feltro (4) and the Pisans. In the month of June
1303, the said confederates raised a joint force (5)
of 500 horsemen, and appointed M. Salinguerra of
Ferrara Captain (6).
1. This was Azzo VIII. of Este. See De Vzdg. EL, i. 12 :
38, 11.
2. April 7. The condition of Bologna at this time re-
sembled that of Florence. The Ghibelline party (that of
the Lambertazzi) had been driven out, and the Guelf party
(that of the Geremei) had split into two factions, one
supporting the Marquis of Ferrara, who wanted to gain
possession of Bologna, the other opposing him. The Mar-
quis's faction was to attack the other ; but the plot was
discovered on April 4, and many of the citizens of that
faction were banished, and their houses and towers de-
molished.
3. Son of Guido ( Vecchio, or Minore) of Polenta, Lord of
Ravenna, who died in 1310. Bernardino was brother to
Francesca of Rimini (I?if. v.), and uncle of Guido Novello
of Polenta, who was Lord of Ravenna during the closing
years of Dante's life.
4. See next chapter.
5. Taglia. Each of the confederates was bound to fur-
nish a certain number of men.
6. Salinguerra Torelli belonged to a noble Ghibelline
family of Ferrara which had been banished in 1240, after a
long struggle with the house of Este.
THE SECOND BOOK 153
CHAPTER XXXIII
Indecisive fighting- between the Whites and Blacks
in the valley of the Chiana and the upper valley
of the Arno (Summer of 1303).
The Whites marched from Monte Accenico until
they were close upon La Lastra (1), burning what
they found. The Aretines reconquered Castig-
lione [Aretino] and Monte a San Savino, and laid
waste Laterina, which was held by the Blacks (2),
who could not succour it because they were with
the Lucchese round Pistoja (3) ; but when [the
Blacks] heard of this they left the Lucchese to
guard Florence, and set out with the Marquis's
cavalry to Montevarchi (4) in order to succour
Laterina.
The Aretines united with the Whites and their
friends from Romagna and some Pisan mercenaries,
and marched to Castiglione degli Ubertini (5) ; and
it was believed that a battle was imminent. But
the Blacks retired, and attacked Castiglione Are-
tino ; and they lost some of their infantry ; but
afterwards they put Montalcino (6) and Laterina
into a state of defence.
The Whites numbered 1200 horsemen and very
many foot-soldiers (7), and they displayed great
energy in seeking battle. But they were deceived
by certain traitors, who took money from their
enemies and prevented the battle from being fought,
alleging that the Pisans were not disposed to risk
the success of the war, in which victory could
certainly be worn
154 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Uguccione of Faggiuola was [Podesta] in
Arezzo, as has been mentioned (8), but on account
of some suspicious behaviour he was removed from
his office, which was given to Count Federigo, son
of the good Count Guido of Montefeltro, whose
fair fame has spread throughout the world (9).
Count Federigo came to Arezzo, accompanied
by Ciappettino Ubertini, and took up the govern-
ment.
1. La Lastra is only about two miles from Florence on the
Bologna road.
2. Castiglione Aretino and San Savino are in the valley of
the Chiana, south of Arezzo ; Laterina, in the upper valley
of the Arno (on the right bank), north-west of Arezzo. These
places had fallen into the hands of the Florentines after the
battle of Campaldino [cf. I. 10).
3. See II. 27, near the end, with which the present pas-
sage connects itself.
4. The Marquis is Moro ello Malaspina (see II. 27, n. 7).
Monte varchi is on the left bank of the Arno, west of
Laterina.
5. On the right bank of the Arno between Montevarchi
and Laterina.
6. Montalcino belonged to the Sienese, who were in alli-
ance with the Blacks.
7. I.e. the army which marched to Castiglione degli
Ubertini, as stated in the paragraph before. Dino now con-
tinues his explanation of why the anticipated battle did not
take place, after having stated what the Blacks did when
they had retreated from Montevarchi.
8. II. 28.
9. Cf. Cotiv. iv. 28 : 60-65 and Inf. xxvii. 78.
THE SECOND BOOK 155
CHAPTER XXXIV
Corso Donati and the Magnates intrigue with the
populace against the government of the Popo-
lani, and procure the appointment of a commis-
sion to inquire into the administration. Recall
of exiles placed under bounds (Summer of
1303)-
The Blacks returned to Florence, and discord
between them arose shortly after, because M. Rosso
della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, and M. Geri
Spini, with their following among the wealthy
traders (1), held the government and the honours of
the city. M. Corso Donati, who thought himself
worthier than they — he was a knight of the utmost
ability in all things he desired to carry out — deeming
that he was not receiving his share [in the adminis-
tration] sought to humble them and to abolish the
Priors' office [as then existing] (2), and to exalt
himself and his followers. And he began to sow
discord, and, under colour of justice and compassion,
began to speak after this fashion: "Poor men (3)
are being afflicted and spoiled of their substance
through the taxes and the rates, and some persons
are filling their purses thereby. Let inquiry be
made where such a large sum of money has gone,
since so much cannot have been spent in the war."
And this he demanded with great urgency before
the Priors and in the Councils. The common
people (3) listened willingly to him, believing that
his language was sincere ; and in any case they
were desirous that this matter should be inquired
into. The other party knew not what to answer,
156 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
since wrath and pride prevented them. And [those
who demanded the inquiry J wrought so effectually,
with the aid of the officials who were with them,
that an inquiry was ordered concerning the acts
of oppression, violence, and robbery [which had
been committed^, and foreign doctors of law were
appointed as auditors (4). After this the outcry
diminished (5), and the popolani who were in power,
in order to obtain favour, recalled from banishment,
on the 1st of August 1303, the exiles under bounds
who had not broken their bounds.
1. Col seguito del popolo grasso.
2. I.e. under the legislation of 1282 (I. 4) and the Ordi-
nances of Justice (I. n ; I. 18), by which the Magnates had
been excluded from the government of the city.
3. I..e. the smaller traders and the populace.
4. By enactments, dated July 24 and 27, 1303, it was pro-
vided that a commission of six citizens (three Magnates and
three popolani) should be appointed with the most ample
powers to investigate, as from November 1, 1301, the entire
administration of the Government, and all cases of robbery,
extortion, and peculation ; and they were to be assisted by
a foreign doctor of law, to act as auditor of the accounts and
take part in the investigation. This person was one M.
Ghisenzio, of Gubbio. Dino's statement that more than one
auditor was appointed seems therefore to be erroneous.
5. Poi s ammo llarono le parole. Though the proceedings
of the commission of inquiry were very protracted, the Act
by which it had been set up remained pretty nearly a dead
letter so far as concerned its ostensible object, expressed in
very pious language in the preamble, namely, the redressing
of the wrongs suffered by widows, orphans, wards, and
other weak and impotent folk. But, considering that the
chief motive of Corso Donati and the Magnates in setting
the inquiry on foot was to bring odium on the government
of the popolafiz, this result is not surprising. Corso's own
interests, however, were not overlooked, for compensation
was awarded him for the damage he had suffered by the
sentence of outlawry passed on him in 1301 (see I. 24, n. 6).
THE SECOND BOOK 157
CHAPTER XXXV
The end of Boniface VIII. (September 7 to
October 11, 1303).
On Saturday, the 7th of September 1 303, Sciarra
della Colonna (1) entered Alagna, a town in the
Roman territory (2), with many troops, and with
them of Ceccano (3), and with a knight who was
there on behalf of the king of France, bearing the
king's banner and that of the Patrimony, that is, of
the Keys (4) ; and they broke open the sacristy and
the treasury of the Pope and took much treasure
from him. The Pope, abandoned by his attendants,
remained a prisoner. It was said that the Cardinal
M. Francesco Orsini was there in person with many
Roman citizens (5), and it was held that the attack
had been concerted with the king of France because
the Pope was striving to humble him (6) ; and the
war of the Flemings against him, wherein many
Frenchmen perished (7), was said to have been of
the Pope's contriving. The king of France for
this cause assembled in Paris many doctors and
bachelors of divinity belonging to the Friars Minor,
the Preachers, and other Orders, and here he caused
the Pope to be pronounced a heretic ; and then he
caused the Pope to be admonished (8), accusing him
of many horrible sins. The Pope was a prisoner in
Alagna, and without making any defence or excuse
was brought to Rome, where he was wounded in
the head; and after some days he died mad (9).
Many were content and glad at his death, for his
rule was harsh and he stirred up wars, undoing many
L
158 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
people, and gathering very much treasure. The
Whites and Ghibellines especially rejoiced at his
death, because he was their hearty foe ; but the
Blacks were greatly disquieted by it.
i. Jacopo, called Sciarra, Colonna was nephew of Car-
dinal Jacopo Colonna and brother of Cardinal Pietro
Colonna, who had been deprived of their dignity and per-
secuted by Boniface VIII. [cf. I. 21, n, 1).
2. Alagna, or Anagni, is about thirty-five miles south-east
of Rome. It was the birthplace of Boniface VIII (cf. Pa?:
xxx. 148).
3. By "them of Ceccano" (a village about fifteen miles
south-east of Anagni) are meant the sons of John of
Ceccano, whose father had long been kept prisoner by
Boniface.
4. The "knight" was William of Nogaret, a trusted
official of Philip IV. of France. The reason why he dis-
played the " banner of the Keys " was to show that he was
acting " for the defence of the Church " against the heretical
Pope (see Renan, Etudes sti?' la politique religieuse du regne
de Philippe le del, pp. 31, 36. In this work a detailed account
of the career of William of Nogaret and of the attack
on Boniface will be found). Musciatto Franzesi (see II.
4, ?i. 2) was associated with William of Nogaret in the
expedition.
5. Cardinal Napoleone Orsini was in Anagni at the time,
and supported William of Nogaret. The Orsini, as well
as the Colonna, were now in disgrace with the Pope.
6. At the time when Sciarra Colonna and William of
Nogaret seized Boniface he was on the point of issuing a
bull excommunicating Philip IV. and absolving his subjects
from their allegiance.
7. The allusion is to the defeat of the French by the
Flemings at the great battle of Courtrai in 1302, described
by G. Villani (viii. 56).
8. The assembly was held at the Louvre on March 12,
1303, and the "admonition" probably refers to the sum-
mons which William of Nogaret addressed to Boniface
requiring him to call together a general council which
should pronounce on the accusations brought against him
by the French king. A second assembly was held at the
Louvre on June 13, after Nogaret's departure for Italy, at
which the matter was further discussed.
THE SECOND BOOK 159
9. Two days after Boniface had been made prisoner the
people of Anagni, who had joined in the attack on Boniface,
in spite of many benefits he had conferred on them, sud-
denly, on the summons of Cardinal Fieschi, turned round
and put the forces of Sciarra Colonna and Nogaret to flight
and released the Pope. Meantime a force of knights who
had set out from Rome to deliver him arrived at Anagni
and escorted him back. He lived till October 11 ; his death
being doubtless caused or accelerated by the outrage to
which he had been subjected {cf. Villani, viii. 63 ; Purg.
xx. 86-90).
CHAPTER XXXVI
Military operations in the upper valley of the
Arno (Autumn of 1303).
In the said month of September the Whites and
Ghibellines of Florence united under M. Tolosato
degli Uberti (1), a noble knight of Florence and a
very skilful warrior. They marched to Arezzo
with Pisan mercenaries. The Sienese granted
them passage, because the citizens of Siena were
good neighbours to both parties ; and whenever
they perceived the Whites to be strong, they
banished them ; but the sentence of banishment was
defective, so that it did no harm (2). They gave
help to the Blacks in their military expeditions and
behaved [towards them] like brothers. And ac-
cordingly there was (among other sayings concern-
ing the wars in Tuscany) an adage about them which
said, " The she-wolf plays the harlot," for by the
she- wolf is meant Siena (3).
The Whites and Ghibellines of Florence, the
Romagnoles, the Pisans, and all their other friends
assembled at Arezzo, so that by the 1 st of November
they were prepared for the campaign.
160 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
The Blacks marched to Fighine, and the Whites
came down to Ganghereto. The Aretines came
to Laterina, and fortified the approaches so that it
might not be revictualled (4). [But] the fortress
was lost [to the Whites] because of hunger and
discord among the Aretines ; for their leaders
secretly took bribes and allowed it to be pro-
visioned.
1. See II. 29, n. 4.
2. I.e. it was not intended to be enforced.
3. See II. 28, n. 8,9.
4. The Blacks were apparently on their way to relieve
Laterina, which was in danger of falling into the Aretines'
hands (see II. 33). Fighine, now called Figline, is on the
left bank of the Arno, about half-way between Florence
and Laterina. Ganghereto was on the right bank, about
half-way between Fighine and Laterina. The expression
"came down" refers to the descent from Arezzo into the
Arno valley.
BOOK III
CHAPTER I
Election of Pope Benedict XI. (Nicholas Boccasini),
October 21, 1303. His character and first acts
as Pope. He appoints the Cardinal of Prato
peacemaker in Tuscany (January 31, 1304).
Our Lord God, who takes thought for all things, by
willing to restore a good Pastor to the world, took
thought for the necessity of Christians. Where-
fore there was called to the Chair of S. Peter Pope
Benedict, a native of Treviso, a friar preacher and
Prior-General (1), a man with few relations and
of humble birth, steadfast and virtuous, discreet and
holy. The world was cheered with new light.
He began by doing deeds of mercy ; he pardoned
the Colonna family (2) and reinstated them in
their possessions. During the first fast [after his
election]] ( 3 ) he created two cardinals : one was
an Englishman (4), the other was the Bishop of
Spoleto, a native of the fortress of Prato (5),
a friar preacher named M. Nicholas, of humble
parentage, but of great learning ; gracious and
wise, but of a Ghibelline stock. On this account
the Ghibellines and the Whites greatly rejoiced ;
161
162 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
and they exerted themselves to such effect that Pope
Benedict sent him into Tuscany as peacemaker.
i. Or, Master-general of the Order. He relinquished this
office on his elevation to the Cardinalate in 1298. The
next two traits noted by Dino in his description of Benedict
are intended to mark the contrast between him and his
predecessor. Two cardinals of Boniface's family were still
living.
2. Sciarra Colonna (see II. 35) was excluded from the
pardon.
3. I.e. the Advent Ember season.
4. The Englishman, William Marlesfield, had died four
months previously, but the news of his death had not
reached Rome.
5. Prato is eleven miles north-west of Florence. On his
elevation to the Cardinalate, Nicholas of Prato was made
Bishop of Ostia and Velletri ; but was known as the Car-
dinal of Prato.
CHAPTER II
Position of affairs in Florence at the beginning of
1304. The Magnates split into two factions,
one headed by M. Rosso della Tosa, who, to
gain his own ends, allies himself with the
wealthy traders (Popolo Grasso) in whose
hands, in spite of the overthrow of the Whites,
the control of the machinery of government
remained : the other, headed by M. Corso
Donati, who, to gain his own ends, allies
himself with the smaller traders and {popu-
lace ( Popolo Minuto). This chapter is closely
connected with II. 34, where the beginnings
of the quarrel between Rosso and Corso are
described.
Before the coming of the Cardinal (1) a conspiracy
was revealed, which had been planned by M. Rosso
della Tosa, whose object in all that he did and
THE THIRD BOOK 163
tried to do in the city was to bear rule in the
manner of the Lords of Lombardy (2). And
many gains did he forego, and many times did he
make peace (3), in order to have men's minds
ready to fulfil his desire. M. Corso Donati [on
the contrary^) did not refuse money ; everybody,
either from fear or under threats, gave him of their
own. He did not ask for it, but he let it be seen
that he wanted it.
The two enemies were looking about them (4).
M. Rosso feared the execration of the Tuscans if
he plotted against M. Corso (5); he feared the
enemies without (6) and sought to cast them down
before showing his hostility against M. Corso ; and
he feared, from the prestige that [M. Corso^j had
in the [Guelf J party, that there might be trouble
with the populace. He held to the wealthy traders,
for they were his tongs and seized the hot iron
[for him J. M. Corso, by reason of that haughty
spirit of his, did not heed and would not conde-
scend to small matters ; and on account of his
disdain he did not possess the love of those citizens.
So that, forsaking the wealthy traders, he conspired
with the Magnates, pointing out how in many ways
they were the prisoners and slaves of a set of bloated
popolani, or rather, dogs, who lorded it over them and
took the offices for themselves ; and by speaking thus
he drew together all the great citizens who felt them-
selves aggrieved, and they all made a conspiracy,
M. Lottieri della Tosa, Bishop of Florence, and
M. Baldo, his nephew, joined the conspiracy, because
his kinsman, M. Rossellino, was holding for him-
self one of the Bishop's fortresses with the vassals,
while he had not dared to complain of it so long as
i64 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Pope Boniface was alive (7). And the Rossi, the
Bardi, the Lucardesi, the Cavalcanti, the Bostichi,
the Giandonati, almost all the Tornaquinci, the
Manieri, and some of the Adimari joined it : there
were also many [of the smaller] popolani (8) with
them. And in all, including Magnates and popo-
lani, there were thirty-two conspirators. And they
said, in reference to the corn come from Apulia,
whereof a fixed quantity a head was given to the
people, " The [smaller] popolani are burdened ;
their property is taken from them through the
heavy taxes ; and then they are compelled to eat
mats," which (it was said) were cut up into the
corn so as to eke out the measure.
The wealthy traders began to be afraid : M.
Corso's friends grew bolder, but not so much so
[as might have been expected] because [his enemies]
contradicted him in the councils and assemblies.
The Bordoni, who were bold and arrogant popolani,
harassed him greatly and several times they gave
him the lie, heedless of the preponderance of their
adversaries and of what the consequences of their
action might be. They drew much gain from the
Commonwealth, and praise turned their heads (9).
However, the followers of M. Rosso did not allow
them [seriously] to molest [the Donati] (10).
Within a month they (11) put the corn on sale
to the public at 12 soldi [a bushel]; they made
a rate (12) [to raise the money], and they levied
1200 horsemen from the citizens at a salary of
fifty florins each (13) ; and showed no mercy (14).
And then they sent soldiers, and built a fort close
to Monte Accenico (15) and stationed men there
to guard it.
THE THIRD BOOK 165
1. The Cardinal of Prato arrived on March 10 (III. 4).
2. He wanted to rule in Florence as (for instance) the
Scala family did in Verona, the Malatesta in Rimini, the
Visconti in Milan. " Lombardy " is here used in a wide
sense.
3. "In these troubled times," says Del Lungo, "sen-
tences ordering compensation for damage done, for fines
inflicted, and the like, were frequent. Rosso della Tosa,
for his own private ends, refused to take advantage of such
benefits, and even reconciled himself to the persons against
whom sentence had passed in his favour." Corso Donati,
as Dino tells us in the next sentence, took the directly
opposite course.
4. Si guardavano a' fianchi, i.e. were looking all round
them to see what supporters they could muster, and against
what enemies they must guard themselves. The similar
expression il ponetevi mente . . . a Jianchi " occurs in Conv.
iv. 6 : 180.
5. M. Corso being regarded as the first man in the Guelf
party. By the " Tuscans" are meant the other Guelf cities
in Tuscany.
6. I.e. the White exiles and their allies.
7. Because Pope Boniface supported the Blacks, among
whom was Rossellino della Tosa (I. 21), whereas Baldo
della Tosa (see I. 22) and his uncle, the Bishop, were
Whites. With regard to Baldo's presence in Florence at
this time, we must understand that he had been among
those recalled from banishment the year before (see II. 34,
at the end). And the same observation holds good of
most of the other Whites who in this Book are referred to
as being in Florence. The number of those who escaped
exile was very small.
8. Contrary to his usual practice Dino here and just
afterwards uses the word popolani to denote the popolo
minuto, not the popolo grasso.
9. The term "praise" here denotes the influential posi-
tion the Bordoni had acquired with the government. They
seem to have been a turbulent family (see II. 17).
10. It will be remembered that Rosso della Tosa was
a Magnate, and only in appearance a supporter of the
popolani, and a certain esprit de corps would prevent him, at
least for the present, from allowing the popolano family of
the Bordoni to go too far against Corso Donati.
11. I.e. the followers of M. Rosso, the popolani who were
in control of the government.
12. The rate [cf. II. 34) was made on the basis of a valua-
166 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
tion of real property, for the purpose of raising the money
needed for the purchase of corn to prevent a famine. Vil-
lani states (viii. 68) that the market price of corn had risen
to over 2.6 soldi (half a florin, or about five shillings of our
money) a bushel at this time. The government therefore
were selling it at less than half-price.
13. See I. 10, n. 10.
14. This statement applies to the three measures referred
to in the earlier part of the sentence. The government
" showed no mercy " (1) in selling the corn instead of giving
it away ; (2) in raising the money to purchase the corn by
a specially unpopular method ; (3) in choosing a time when
the citizens were suffering from want of food to raise a paid
military force.
15. See II. 30, n. 3.
CHAPTER III
Fight in the city between the factions of Rosso
della Tosa and Corso Donati (Feb. 4, 1304).
The Lucchese called in to restore peace. The
Ordinances of Justice put in force against the
Tornaquinci (April 1304).
Since the conspirators who were with M. Corso
continued to use defiant language, the other party-
sent for the Lucchese, who thought by means of
conciliatory words to take from him the strongholds
that he held (1) ; and [the government], having
set him a time within which to surrender them,
passed sentence upon him in case of his refusing to
hand them over to the Lucchese [when they should
have arrived] (2).
M. Corso, not choosing to allow himself to be
overpowered, summoned his friends, and gathered
together many exiles (3), and Neri of Lucardo (4), a
brave warrior, came to his aid. He [himself] came
THE THIRD BOOK 167
armed into the Piazza on horseback, and fought
fiercely against the Palace of the Signory with
crossbows and with fire.
The other party, at whose head was M. Rosso
della Tosa, together with the greater part of his
kinsmen, and the Pazzi, Frescobaldi, Gherardini,
Spini, and the people and many popolani (5), came
to the defence of the palace and brought about a
great fight, wherein M. Lotteringo Gherardini was
slain by an arrow (6), which was a great misfor-
tune, for he was an able man.
M. Rosso della Tosa and his followers elected
the new Signory, and installed them in the palace
by night, without sound of trumpet or other honours.
Barricades were set up throughout the city, and
for about a month [the citizens] remained under
arms.
The Lucchese, who had come into Florence
to make peace, received great authority from the
Commonwealth (7). The Magnates to a great
extent disclosed themselves, and expressed their
desire that the laws against Magnates should be
abolished. The number of the Priors was
doubled (8) ; yet, none the less, the Magnates'
party remained full of pride and presumption.
It happened in those days that Testa Tornaquinci
and a son of Bingeri, his kinsman, wounded a popo-
/ano, their neighbour, in the Old Market, and left him
for dead, and none durst succour him for fear of
them. But the popolani, who had become reassured,
were filled with wrath, and went armed to the
abode of the Tornaquinci with the Gonfalon of
Justice, set fire to their palace, and burned and
destroyed it on account of their presumption.
168 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
i. See I. 27, n. 5.
2. In Dec. 1303 the government had been authorised to
summon the Lucchese to keep order in the city ; but they
were not sent for until the civil war described in this chapter
had broken out. In the meantime they had been trying to
induce Corso to hand over the strongholds to them.
3. Sbanditi, i.e. exiles under sentence of outlawry (see
II. 23, n. 1), not confinati.
4. In the valley of the Elsa, a river which flows north-
west and falls into the Arno near Empoli.
5. As the "people" in Dino means the popolani, the
term popolani may possibly here be used in the sense
of popolo mimito as in the previous chapter. The popolo
minuto did indeed side with Corso Donati, but the populace
is proverbially fickle, and some of them may very likely have
been found in the opposite camp at this juncture.
6. He did not die till the ioth, six days later. His tomb
is still to be seen in the cloister of S. Stefano, with an in-
scription stating that he died " in defence of the Florentine
people."
7. The ample powers conferred on the Lucchese govern-
ment in the previous December were confirmed on Feb. 16.
8. That is to say, the Signory which came into office on
Feb. 16 consisted of fourteen members, including the Gon-
falonier. The next Signory, who came into office on April
16, was of the same number also.
CHAPTER TV
The Cardinal of Prato on his arrival in Florence
receives authority to effect a general pacifica-
tion. He succeeds in healing some disputes
among the Black Magnates, and takes mea-
sures for reconciling the Blacks with the White
exiles, but his efforts are thwarted by the
Blacks (March to May 1304).
The Cardinal Nicholas of Prato, whom the Whites
and Ghibellines of Florence had secretly asked
Pope Benedict to send as Legate in Tuscany, arrived
THE THIRD BOOK 169
in Florence on the 10th of March 1303 (1), and
very great honour was paid him by the people of
Florence ; they carried olive branches, and there
was great rejoicing. Having stayed some days in
Florence, and finding the citizens very much divided,
he asked the people for authority to enable him to
compel the citizens (2) to make peace, which was
granted him until the 1st of May 1304, and was
afterwards prolonged for a year. And he effected
several reconciliations among the citizens within
[the city] ; but afterwards the people became cold,
and many cavilling objections were put forward.
The Bishop of Florence favoured the peace, because
it brought with it justice and wealth ; and at the
request of the Cardinal he became reconciled to M.
Rosso his kinsman (3). The Cardinal re-established
the Gonfalons of the Companies : M. Corso's friends
had a share in these appointments (4), and he him-
self was elected a Captain of the party (5). Every
one was favourable to the Cardinal, who, in hope [of
making peace], so appeased them with soft words
that they allowed him to elect delegates. These
were M. Ubertino dello Strozza and Ser Bono of
Ognano for the party within, and M. Lapo Rico-
vero and Ser Petracco di Ser Parenzo of Ancisa for
the party without [the city] (6).
On the 26th of April 1304, the people being
assembled in the Piazza of S. Maria Novella in the
presence of the Signory, many reconciliations were
brought about, and the parties kissed one another
on the mouth as a sign that peace was made ; and
contracts of reconciliation were drawn up : and
they imposed penalties on any who should violate
the peace ; and with olive branches in their hands
170 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
they reconciled the Gherardini to the Amieri (7).
And so much did the peace appear to please every
one that although a great rain came on that day, no
one went away, nor did they seem to feel it. The
bonfires were large, the church bells rang, and
every one rejoiced ; but at the palace of the Gian-
figliazzi, where great bonfires were wont to be made
on occasions of fighting, nothing was done that
evening ; and good people talked much about this,
saying that it was not seemly behaviour on an occa-
sion of peace. The Companies of the people went
about holding high festival in the name of the
Cardinal, with the banners which they had received
from him in the Piazza of Santa Croce.
M. Rosso della Tosa continued in great wrath,
because it seemed to him that the peace had gone
too far beyond what he wished. And therefore he
thought to hasten on the carrying out of his design
with the rest of his party (8), because they left him
to do as he pleased, and showed themselves friendly
towards him. And they did it all in order to gain
Pistoja, about which they had great misgivings,
seeing that their adversaries held it, and M. Tolo-
sato degli Uberti was there (9). And meanwhile
the return of the horsemen and foot-soldiers of the
Whites to Monte Accenico from succouring Forli
(10) made the Guelfs who were within [the city]
begin to speak with guile and to thwart the peace ;
and after [doing] many other things, they called
upon the Buondelmonti to become reconciled to
the Uberti (about which matter many councils
were held) in order to delay the peace, for that
reconciliation was a thing impossible (11).
On the 6th of May 1304, the Priors commis-
THE THIRD BOOK 171
sioned the Cardinal and four men selected by the
Pope to carry out the universal pacification, that is
to say, M. Martino della Torre of Milan, M.
Antonio of Fostierato of Lodi, M. Antonio de'
Brusciati of Brescia (12), and M. Guidotto de*
Bugni of Bergamo.
1. 1304 N.S. (see III. i, at the end).
2. I.e. all the citizens, whether in exile or not. The
Cardinal's aim was to make peace (a) between Blacks and
Blacks (the factions of Rosso della Tosa and Corso Donati) ;
(b) between Blacks and Whites ; (c) between Guelfs and
Ghibellines. The phrase "universal pacification" (pace
universale) which occurs at the end of this chapter includes
all these reconciliations (cf. Villani, viii. 69).
3. See III. 2.
4. Viz. the appointments in connection with the reorgan-
ised companies (see II. 22, n. 4), now nineteen in number.
5. I.e. one of the Captains of the Guelf party (see II. 5,
n. 7).
6. See I. 12 (at the beginning); II. 25, n. 19. Observe
that each party was represented by a doctor of law and a
notary.
7. The enmity between these families must have been
specially notorious for Dino to give such prominence to the
reconciliation.
8. I.e. with the followers of Corso Donati as well as his
own. He was strongly opposed to any peace with the
Whites and Ghibellines, and desired to profit by the lull in
the storm to unite the whole Black party in an attempt to
wrest Pistoja out of the hands of the Whites (cf. II. 27).
9. See, as to Tolosato degli Uberti, II. 29, n. 4 ; 36.
10. Forli (see II. 28) had been threatened by the Guelf
forces under the command of Tebaldo Brusciati, whom
Pope Benedict had appointed Count of Romagna. The
fact of the White exiles having taken part in this cam-
paign would alarm and exasperate the Blacks, and make
them less disposed than ever to make peace.
11. Because of the origin of the feud between the Buon-
delmonti and the Uberti (see I. 2) which had now lasted
nearly a hundred years.
12. It should be "of Novara." The Pope nominated
these four persons alternatively to act as Podesta, but all of
them in succession declined to accept the office. As to
Antonio of Fostierato, see III. 26, n. 9.
172 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER V
In order to delay the carrying out of the pacification
in Florence, the Blacks of the following of
Rosso della Tosa persuade the Cardinal to visit
Pistoja and make peace there. Ill success of
his mission. The people of Prato, who had
welcomed him on his way to Pistoja, refuse
to allow him to enter their city on his return
(May 1304).
Those who were in opposition to the Pope's will,
no longer wishing to endure the burden of the Car-
dinal (1) nor to allow the peace to take deeper root,
accomplished so much with false words that they
induced the Cardinal to leave Florence by saying
to him : " Messere, before you proceed any further
in carrying out the peace, make us certain that Pis-
toja will obey (2) ; for if <we make peace and Pis-
toja remains in our adversaries' hands, we shall be
duped." And they did not say this because they
wished for peace, even if Pistoja were secured, but
in order to prolong the negotiations for the peace.
And so greatly did they move him with plausible
words, that on the 8th of May 1304 he left
Florence, and, going by the way of Campi, lodged
at a beautiful country house of Rinuccio di Senno
Rinucci.
The next day he rode to Prato, where he was
born and where he had never been since. And
here he was received with much honour and great
dignity: olive-branches were carried; knights bore
banners and a standard of taffeta ; the people and
THE THIRD BOOK 173
the women decked themselves out ; the streets were
arched over ; there was dancing and music ; and
they shouted, " Long live the Lord [Cardinal]."
But they soon changed this welcome into contumely,
just as the Jews did to Christ, as will be related
below.
On that same day he rode on to Pistoja, and
talked with the chief men and rulers of the city ;
and with him rode M. Geri Spini, who had pre-
pared his outfit, thinking that he would be appointed
one of the Magistrates (3) of the city. They were
received by M. Tolosato degli Uberti and the
people with great honour, and a limited authority
(4) was granted him by the people, but he was not
to hand over the city to others. Therefore, seeing
that those who held the city were very wary, he lost
hope of securing it ; and so he returned towards
Prato, which he thought he should be able to enter
by the strength of his kinsmen and his friends; but
he could not (5).
1. I.e. the exercise of his authority as peacemaker. The
"opponents of the Pope's will" were Rosso della Tosa and
his faction. See preceding chapter.
2. I.e. will submit to the pacification.
3. I.e. he reckoned on being made Podesta or Captain of
the People {cf. I. 25, n. 1). Geri Spini was one of the
leaders among the Blacks (II. 26).
4. See below, III. 13.
5. While the Cardinal was at Pistoja, the Blacks at
Florence of Rosso della Tosa's faction had stirred up the
people of Prato against him, and his relations and adherents
had been driven out of that city, as stated in the next
chapter (see Villani, viii. 69).
M
174 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER VI
The Cardinal returns to Florence and proclaims a
crusade against Prato. The Florentine army
marches against Prato, but makes peace with
the inhabitants. Serious discord in Florence
between the peace party (Magnates and popu-
lace) and the war party (Rosso della Tosa and
his adherents) (May 1304).
Hearing what had been plotted against him in
Prato, the Cardinal at once departed and returned
to Florence ; and he declared war against the in-
habitants of Prato, and excommunicated them and
proclaimed a crusade against them, offering remis-
sion of sins to any one who should do them any
harm. His kinsmen and friends were punished ( 1 )
and driven from Prato.
The Podesta of Florence, with the mounted
militia ( 2 ) and soldiers in the pay of the Common-
wealth, invaded the territory of Prato and took up
their position in the dry bed of the river Bisenzio at
Olmo a Mezzano, where they remained until after
Nones. There came out certain from Prato to
treat for peace, apologizing to the Cardinal, and
offering to do what he wished ; and so they escaped
the fury £of their assailants^]. For there were
many in the army who would willingly have pillaged
their territory and attempted to conquer the city ;
those, I mean, who were of the Cardinal's mind.
The other leaders of the Black party (3) and
their followers were uttering many words full of
discord. And even while the horsemen were
drawn up in position, the war [against Prato] was
nearly at an end, so great was the discord that had
THE THIRD BOOK 175
arisen among the citizens [in Florence] (4) ; and
if the discord had proceeded further, the Magnates
and the populace (5), to whom the pacification was
acceptable, and who were friends to the Cardinal,
would have had the upper hand, to judge by the
wishes expressed. They of the house of the
Cavalcanti also showed themselves very favourably
disposed towards [the Cardinal's supporters] (6).
The army departed and came back to Campi,
where they remained all that day. The next day
they returned to Florence, because the Cardinal
allowed himself to be misled by words, thinking to
do his best for peace (7). But his kinsmen, who
had been driven away with ignominy, did not return
to Prato, not trusting themselves [there] ; and after-
wards they were outlawed.
1. Furono disfatti (lit. were undone). Disfare is here pro-
bably used (as in I. 12, I. 15) in the technical sense of " to
demolish the houses and lay waste the property" of any one.
2. See III. 2 ; I. 10, n. 10.
3. Viz. those who were not "of the Cardinal's mind,"
that is to say, Rosso della Tosa and his following.
4. The meaning is, that in the excited condition of
Florence it would in any case have been necessary to recall
the troops and end the war against Prato.
5. Popolo, here used as equivalent to popolo minuto. The
" Magnates and populace" were the chief elements in the
faction headed by Corso Donati (III. 2). The populace were
probably sincere in wishing the pacification to proceed, but
Corso and the Magnates only made a show of desiring it in
order to ingratiate themselves with the Cardinal and procure
his support against Rosso della Tosa and the popolani, who
were trying to thwart his efforts to make peace.
6. The Cavalcanti were one of the most powerful of the
families of Florence. They have been already mentioned as
members of Corso's " conspiracy" (III. 2). Some of them
were Whites (see I. 22, II. 25), and these, at any rate, would
be sincere in supporting the Cardinal.
7. Dino seems to insinuate that the Cardinal ought to
have insisted on the prosecution of the war against Prato,
176 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
and was over-persuaded by his false friends, Rosso della
Tosa and his party, to abandon the crusade in the interests
of peace. But as Rosso della Tosa's party, who controlled
the government, had themselves stirred up Prato to resist
the Cardinal, it was not likely that they would have prose-
cuted the war with effect, even had it been possible for them
to attempt it \cf. note 4 to this chapter), since the army
itself was divided in its wishes, as stated above in the text.
CHAPTER VII
Abortive conference between representatives of the
Whites and Ghibelline exiles and of the Blacks.
The Cardinal leaves Florence (June 1304).
The Cardinal applied himself to hasten the
[negotiations for J the peace, and to carry it into
execution. And in order to settle the differences,
he resolved to send for some of the leaders of the
exiles, and he chose fourteen of them. They came
to Florence by permission [of the government]] and
under safe-conduct, and stayed in Oltrarno in the
houses of the Mozzi, where they put up barricades
and stationed guards so that they might not be
attacked. The names of some of them are: M.
[Piggello] dei Conti, of Gangalandi, Lapo di M.
Azzolino degli Uberti, Baschiera di M. Bindo della
Tosa, Baldinaccio Adimari, Giovanni de' Cerchi,
Naldo di M. Lottino Gherardini, and several others.
And the names of some of the [representatives of]
the Black party who were in Florence [are] : M.
Corso Donati, M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino
de' Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Maruccio Cavalcanti,
M. Betto Brunelleschi, and several others (1).
When the representatives of the White party
came to Florence they were greatly honoured by
THE THIRD BOOK 177
the common people. Many men and women of
old Ghibelline families kissed the coat of arms of
the Uberti, and Lapo di M. Azzolino was carefully
guarded by the Magnates who were their friends,
because those of his house had many deadly feuds
with many Guelf pofto/atii (2).
Baschiera della Tosa was also much honoured,
and he honoured M. Rosso in word and in behaviour
( 3 ) . And the people were filled with great hope,
because the Whites and Ghibellines determined to
let themselves be guided by the Blacks, and to
consent to their demands, so that they might have
no excuse to draw back from the peace. But the
Blacks had no wish for peace, and so put them off
with talk that the Whites (4) were advised to
repair to the houses of the Cavalcanti, and there
to gather their friends in strength, and not to leave
their city ; and many wise men said that if they
could have done this, they would have been con-
querors. But [though] they sent messengers to
the Cavalcanti on the Cardinal's behalf and on
their own, requesting them [to receive them], the
Cavalcanti after taking counsel about it agreed not
to receive them. This counsel turned out ill for
them, according to the common opinion, for great
damage came upon them and their houses through
fire and other causes, as will be told hereafter.
The Whites, when the Cavalcanti would not
receive them and when they observed their
adversaries' suspicious mien and the words they
used, [consulted their friends and] were advised to
depart ; and this they did on the 8th of June 1304.
The Cardinal remained. Those to whom his
presence was unwelcome made a show of attacking
178 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
him ; and one family, called the Quaratesi, who
lived near the Mozzi and the palace where the
Cardinal was staying, made as though they would
shoot him (5). Therefore, when he complained
of this, he was advised to leave the city, and so,
being in fear, he departed on the 9th of June,
leaving the city in evil plight ; and he went to
Perugia where the Pope was.
1. The number of representatives on each side was pro-
bably twelve, not fourteen (cf. G. Villani, viii. 69).
2. A striking example of the instinct of the Magnates to
hang together in their hostility to the fopolani.
3. I.e. Baschiera (see II. 24) paid to his aged kinsman
Rosso (see below, III. 38) all outward marks of respect.
4. Observe the significant omission of their Ghibelline
colleagues.
5. Cf. I. 21, n. 10.
CHAPTER VIII
The Blacks, both of Rosso della Tosa's and Corso
Donati's factions, attack the Cavalcanti, and
set the city on fire. Enormous destruction of
property. The Cavalcanti driven out of the
city (June 1304).
The good citizens became very angry and lost hope
of peace. The Cavalcanti and many others com-
plained, and so greatly did men's minds become
inflamed that the people armed themselves and
began to attack one another (1). The Della Tosa
and the Medici came armed into the Old Market,
shooting with their cross-bows, [going thence]
towards the Corso degli Adimari and down
through Calimala (2), and they attacked and
THE THIRD BOOK 179
overthrew a barricade in the Corso which was
guarded by people who had more mind for
vengeance than for peace.
M. Rossellino della Tosa came with his troop
to the houses of the Sassetti, in order to set fire to
them ; the Cavalcanti and others came up to their
assistance ; and in this collision Nerone Cavalcanti
encountered M. Rossellino, and he lowered his
lance against him and struck it against his breast, so
that he threw him from his horse.
The leaders of the Black party had prepared
artificial fire, believing that there must certainly
be fighting. And they came to an understanding
with one, Ser Neri Abati, Prior of S. Piero
Scheraggio (3), a wicked and dissolute man, his
kinsmen's enemy (4), and ordered him to set the
first fire alight. And so on the 10th of June 1304
he set fire to his kinsmen's houses in Orto San
Michele (5). From the Old Market fire was
shot into Calimala, and it spread so greatly through
not being checked that, added to the first fire, it
burnt many houses and palaces and shops.
In Orto San Michele there was a large loggia
with an oratory of Our Lady, in which there were
many votive images of wax, and when in addition
to the heat of the air these caught fire, all the
houses which were round that spot were burnt,
besides the warehouses of Calimala, and all the
shops which were round the Old Market as far as
the New Market and the houses of the Cavalcanti,
and [the houses] in Vacchereccia and Porta Santa
Maria as far as the Old Bridge ; for it is said that
more than 1 900 dwellings were burnt ; and no
remedy could be applied.
iSo CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
The thieves openly plunged into the fire to rob
and carry away what they could get, and nothing
was said to them. And whoever saw his property
being carried off durst not demand it back, because
the city was in utter confusion.
The Cavalcanti lost heart and life that day
when they saw their houses and palaces burning, and
the shops which, on account of the high rents paid by
reason of the limited space, kept them in affluence.
Many citizens, fearing the fire, removed their goods
to another place where they thought they would be
safe from the fire, but it extended so far that many
lost their goods by their efforts to save them, and
were ruined.
To the end that the truth about such a crime
may be known, and for what reason the said fire
was made, and where : — The leaders of the Black
party, in order to drive away the Cavalcanti from
the place (whom they feared because they were
rich and powerful), prepared the said fire at
Ognissanti (6) ; and it was composed in such a
way that when any of it fell to the ground it left
a blue colour. This fire the said Ser Neri Abati
brought away in a pot and put it in his kinsmen's
houses ; and M. Rosso della Tosa and others shot
it into Calimala.
Sinibaldo, son of M. Corso Donati, came with
a large quantity of the said fire put up like a lighted
torch to place it in the houses of the Cavalcanti in
the New Market, while Boccaccio Adimari with
his followers [camej by the Corso degli Adimari
as far as Orto San Michele. The Cavalcanti
advanced against them, drove them back into the
Corso, and took from them the barricade which
THE THIRD BOOK 181
they had made. Then they set fire to the houses
of the Macci in the Corte delle Badesse (7).
The Podesta of the city came into the New
Market with his retinue and with many hired
soldiers ; but he gave no aid nor did anything to
check the conflagration. They watched the fire,
remaining on horseback and causing hindrance by
blocking up the space ; for they impeded the foot-
soldiers and passers-by.
The Cavalcanti and many others watched the
fire, and had not courage enough to go against
their enemies after it was extinguished ; whereas
they might have conquered them and remained
masters. However, M. Maruccio Cavalcanti and
M. Rinieri Lucardesi advised them to take vessels
filled with fire (8), and go to burn the houses of
the enemies who had burnt theirs. This advice
was not followed ; although, if they had followed
it (seeing the other party was making no resistance)
they would have been victorious. But sad and
grieving they betook themselves to their kinsmen's
houses, while their enemies took courage and drove
them from the city. Some of them went to Ostina,
others to Le Stinche (9) to their estates, and many
to Siena, because they had hopes that the Sienese
would reconcile them [to their enemies]. And so
the time passed without their being reconciled ;
and they were reputed cowards by every one.
1. The Cavalcanti by favouring the policy of reconcilia-
tion with the exiles to which both Corso Donati and Rosso
della Tosa were openly or secretly adverse, and by their
relations with the White party (see III. 6, n. 5, 6, and
III. 7), had managed to unite both Corso and Rosso against
them. But, as Del Lungo points out (I. 564), their real
guilt in the eyes of their enemies was that they were too
i82 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
numerous and too powerful in the city. The account given
by Villani (viii. 71) of this fresh outbreak and of the burning
of the city should be compared with Dino's.
2. I.e. the armed force assembled in the Old Market
(Mercato Vecchio), now represented by the Piazza Vittorio
Emanuele II. , and then divided, some going along the Corso
degli Adimari, now represented by the Via Calzaiuoli,
others along the Calimala (or Calimara, now Via di Cali-
mara), which ran N. and S. parallel to the Corso degli
Adimari. The origin of the name Calimala or Calimara
is uncertain. The "Corso" mentioned just below, where
the barricade was, ran westward out of the Old Market,
and is not to be confounded with the Corso degli Adimari.
3. The church of S. Piero Scheraggio (see Villani, iii. 2),
in which the Councils of the Commonwealth often met,
occupied part of the site of the existing Uffizi palace.
4. His kinsmen were Ghibellines (II. 25), and he was a
Black Guelf.
5. Orto S. Michele was a piazza which derived its name
from a church (destroyed before Dino's time) dedicated to
S. Michael, and originally built on the site of a garden
(Orto). The piazza was close to the Old Market, and
Calimala ran along its eastern side.
6. Outside the city.
7. A piazza near Orto S. Michele.
8. Lumiere. These were a kind of iron baskets carried
on poles and filled with burning fuel.
9. Ostina was a fortress in the upper valley of the Arno ;
Le Stinche was a fortress between the valleys of the Greve
and the Pesa, a short distance south of Florence. The
Cavalcanti were subsequently reinstated (see III. 40,
head-note).
CHAPTER IX
Visit of the Black chiefs to the Pope at Perugia.
Death of the Pope (June to July 1304).
The citizens in Florence were left ruined by the
calamitous fire, and were dismayed because they
durst not complain of those who had kindled it,
for these were the men that were tyrannously
THE THIRD BOOK 183
holding the government ; however the rulers
[themselves] also lost very many of their goods.
The chiefs among the rulers, knowing for certain
that infamous charges would be brought against
them before the Holy Father, determined to go to
Perugia, where the Court was (1).
Those who went there [were] M. Corso Donati,
M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, M.
Geri Spini and M. Betto Brunelleschi, with certain
Lucchese and Sienese. They thought that by
plausible words, by money, and through the power
of friends they would be able to wipe out the
insult done to the Cardinal-Legate and Peacemaker
in Tuscany, as well as the great infamy they had
incurred through the fire they had most ruthlessly
kindled in the city. They arrived at Court,
where they began to sow some of the seed they
had brought.
On the 22nd of July 1304 (2), Pope Bene-
dict XI. died in Perugia of poison placed in some
fresh figs which had been sent to him.
1. See Villani, viii. 72.
2. It should be the 7th of July.
CHAPTER X
In the absence of the Black leaders at Perugia,
the White exiles and their allies attempt to
capture Florence by surprise, but through the
rashness and mismanagement of Baschiera della
Tosa the attack is beaten off (July 1304).
While the said [persons] (1) were staying at
Perugia, a bold plan was formed by the Florentine
i84 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
exiles, which was, secretly to summon all those
who were of like mind to assemble on a fixed day
in arms at a certain place ; and so secretly did
they contrive the plot, that those who had remained
in Florence heard nothing of it. And having
made their arrangements, they suddenly appeared
at La Lastra, two miles distant from Florence,
with 1 200 men-at-arms (2) on horseback, in white
cloaks ; and the Bolognese, Romagnoles, Aretines,
and other friends (3) were there on horseback and
on foot.
The excitement throughout the city was great.
The Blacks were very much afraid of their adver-
saries, and began to speak humble words. And
many hid themselves in the monasteries, and many
clad themselves as friars for fear of their enemies,
for they had no other defence, seeing they were
taken unawares.
One night while the Whites and Ghibellines
were at La Lastra, many of their friends in the
city went to urge them to come quickly. It
was S. Mary Magdalen's Day, the 21st of July
(4) ; and the heat was great. And the troops
who should have been there, were not yet all
come ; for the first who came had made their
appearance two days before [the time fixed].
M. Tolosato degli Uberti had not yet arrived
with the Pistojans (5), because it was not the day
appointed. The Cavalcanti, the Gherardini, the
Lucardesi, the Scolari from the Val di Pesa had
not yet come down [from their castles]. But now
that [the exiles] saw that they were discovered,
Baschiera, who was acting as captain and, like a
young man, was swayed more by passion than by
THE THIRD BOOK 185
reason, finding himself with good troops and being
much urged [to advance] thought to gain the
merit of the victory, and went down to the city
with the horsemen.
And this they ought not to have done, for the
night was more their friend than the day, both on
account of the heat of the day, and because their
friends (6) would have come out of the city to them
by night, and because they broke the appointment
made with their friends, who did not reveal them-
selves [as such] because it was not the hour
fixed.
They came by San Gallo, and in the "Cafaggio"
of the Bishop (7) they drew up in array, close
to San Marco, with white banners unfurled, with
garlands of olive, and with drawn swords, crying
" Peace," without doing violence or robbery to
any. It was very beautiful to behold them standing
in array, with the sign of peace (8). The heat
was great, so that it seemed as if the air were on
fire. Their skirmishers on foot and on horseback
pressed on close to the city, and came to the gate
of the Spadai (9), [since] Baschiera thought he
would have friends there, and would enter it
without opposition ; and therefore they did not
come prepared, nor with their axes and weapons
to force the gate. The barricades of the suburb
were contested against them ; yet they broke them
down, wounding and slaying many Gangalandesi
(10) who were there on guard. They arrived
at the gate, and many entered the city by the
wicket.
Those [Blacks] within the city who had given
them promises (11) did not hold to their agree-
186 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
ment — (such as the Pazzi, the Magalotti, and M.
Lambertuccio Frescobaldi, who were angry with
their own party, some on account of outrages and
affronts endured, some on account of the fire
kindled in the city, and other wrongs done to
them), — but on the contrary they opposed [the
exiles] in order to show themselves not guilty (12) ;
and they made greater efforts in attacking [the
exiles] than the rest [of the Blacks] : they came
to S. Reparata (13), shooting with cross-bows
furnished with gaffles (14).
Yet nothing would have availed had not a palace
at the side of the gate of the city been set alight.
Those, therefore, who had already entered the
city, fearing they were betrayed, turned back ;
and carrying away the wicket of the gate, they
reached the main squadron, which did not ad-
vance. And meanwhile the fire was spreading
exceedingly.
Halting thus in the position he occupied, Bas-
chiera perceived that those who ought to have
favoured him were opposing him, and therefore
he turned the horsemen back and retreated ; and
their hope and joy was changed to weeping ; for
their vanquished adversaries became vanquishers,
and took courage like lions and pursued them,
skirmishing, yet with great caution. The foot-
soldiers, overcome by the heat of the sun, flung
themselves into the vineyards and the houses to
hide themselves, and many died from exhaustion.
Baschiera rushed into the monastery of San
Domenico, and took out by force two of his
nieces, who were very rich, and carried them off
with him (15). And therefore God punished him.
THE THIRD BOOK 187
Many [of the Black] nobles remained at the
house of Carlettino de* Pazzi to gather their forces
and inflict loss on their enemies ; and they sent
skirmishers after them, but did not pursue them
any more (16).
A short distance from the city [the retreating
exiles] encountered M. Tolosato degli Uberti, who
was coming with the Pistojans to meet them on
the day named. He tried to make them go back
and could not ; therefore, with great sorrow he
returned to Pistoja, and well he knew that
Baschiera's youthful rashness had lost him the
city.
The Blacks slew many of the exiles who were
found in hiding, and put to death many poor sick
persons also, whom they dragged from the hos-
pitals. Very many Bolognese and Aretines were
taken, and they hanged them all. But the next
day those who were crafty raised a false report,
saying that M. Corso Donati and M. Cante
de' Gabrielli of Gubbio had taken Arezzo by
treachery; on which account their enemies (17)
were so dismayed that they lost their energy and
durst not stir.
1. I.e. the Black leaders who, as stated in the preceding
chapter, had gone to Perugia.
2. See I. 10, n. 4.
3. I.e. other members of the league mentioned in II. 32. Cf.
Villani, viii. 72, who attributes the scheme to the Cardinal
of Prato. The reader is strongly advised to compare this
chapter of Dino with Villani's narrative.
4. The right date is July 20, S. Margaret's Day. S.
Mary Magdalen's Day is not the 21st, but the 22nd of
July.
5. See III. 4 and 5.
6. I.e. their friends in the city mentioned above, viz. Whites
188 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
and Ghibellines who had either not been exiled or had been
recalled.
7. San Gallo (referred to just below as the "suburb")
lay on the north-east side of Florence, between the " second
circle " of walls of the city {cf. II. 17, n. 8), which was still
existing, but partly ruinous, and the third circle, which,
though begun in 1284, was still unfinished, and consequently
afforded no protection to S. Gallo. The " Cafaggio " was
an estate belonging to the bishop, and was situate between
the churches of S. Marco and of the Annunziata. The name
Cafaggio is derived from Cafagium or Cafadium, a word
of Lombardic origin, and said to mean either property
enclosed by hedges or ditches, or the principal house on
an estate.
8. Cf Dante, Epistola, i. 26 (the authenticity of this
Epistle is disputed).
9. I.e. of the sword-makers. The name originally be-
longed to a gate in the first circle of walls, but was popularly
applied to the corresponding gate in the second circle.
The correct name was Porta della Via Nuova {cf II. 17,
n. 8).
10. These were a body of the Contado militia (see I. 21,
n. 8, and II. 15, n. 5) from Gangalandi, a village in the
Arno valley, a short distance west of Florence.
11. These malcontent Blacks must be carefully distin-
guished from the "friends" of the exiles mentioned above
in this chapter [cf. n. 6).
12. I.e. to purge themselves of the guilt of supporting the
White exiles.
13. An ancient parish church, afterwards absorbed into
the existing cathedral, which was begun in 1298.
14. A gaffie {tor?iio) was a kind of windlass used for the
purpose of bending the bow. Cross-bows furnished with
this appliance were of course much more formidable
weapons than the smaller ones worked by hand or
foot.
15. As a means of making profitable alliances, two rich
nieces to give in marriage would be a valuable asset to
Baschiera.
16. I.e. there was no effective pursuit of the retreating
Whites. The "skirmishers" were undisciplined retainers
of certain Magnates (Del Lungo, i. 572, 599.) Cf. next
chapter.
17. I.e. the Whites and Ghibellines within and without
the city.
THE THIRD BOOK 189
CHAPTER XI
Dino's reflections on the failure of the Whites to
seize the city.
And thus the regained city was lost by grievous
error ; and many said that if the exiles had come
by any other gate they would have won the city.
For [the Blacks] had none to defend them except
some young men who would not have advanced
within reach of danger as Gherarduccio di M.
Buondelmonte did, who pursued [the exiles] until
one of them turned back to await him, thrust his
lance against him and laid him on the ground.
The exiles' plan was wise and vigorous ; but
their advance was rash because it was too sudden
and was made before the appointed day.
The Aretines and Bolognese carried away some
of the wood of the wicket (1) ; which the Blacks
considered to be a great shame done to them.
Emergencies often put to the proof the men
who are great not in their character but in
their own talk : and this was seen on the day
when the Whites came to the city ; for many
of the citizens changed their tone, their dress,
and their ways. Those very men who were
wont to speak most proudly against the exiles
changed their language and said in the piazzas
and elsewhere how worthy a thing it was that the
exiles should return to their homes. And it was
fear rather than desire or a sense of justice that
made them say this. Many also took refuge in
religious houses, not from humility, but from abject
N
igo CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
and miserable cowardice, believing that the city
would be lost. But when the Whites were gone,
they resumed their former iniquitous, passionate,
and lying words.
i. I.e. the wicket of the Porta degli Spadai. G. Villani
(viii. 72) says that the Aretines made off with the bolt of
the wicket and put it as a trophy in their principal church of
S. Donate
CHAPTER XII
Election of Pope Clement V. (June 5, 1305). His
subserviency to King Philip IV. of France.
The divine justice which oftentimes punishes
secretly and takes away good pastors from wicked
peoples who are unworthy of them, and gives them
that which they deserve for their wickedness, took
from them Pope Benedict. The cardinals, by the
will of the king of France ::nd the exertions of
the Colonna, elected [as Pope] in June 1305
M. Ramondo dal Gotto (1), Archbishop of Bor-
deaux in Gascony, who took the name of Clement
V. He departed not from beyond the mountains
nor did he come to Rome, but was consecrated at
Lyons on the Rhone. It was reported that at
his consecration the place where he was fell down,
that the crown fell from his head, and that the
king of France would not let him depart thence (2).
He created several ultramontane cardinals at the
king's request, and made grants of tithes, and [did]
other things [for the king], but [when] called upon
to proclaim Pope Boniface a heretic he never
would do it.
THE THIRD BOOK 191
1. The name should be Bertrand de Got.
2. During the procession after the coronation (Nov. 14th)
a wall on which a number of spectators were sitting fell
just as the new Pope was passing. He was thrown from
his horse and his crown fell off his head. Charles of Valois
was injured, and the Duke of Brittany, Gaillard de Got
(one of the Pope's brothers), Cardinal Matteo Rosso Orsini
(who had crowned the Pope), and twelve other persons died
of the injuries they received. Another brother of the Pope
was killed some days later in an affray after a banquet given
in honour of the Pope's first pontifical mass.
CHAPTER XIII
The Blacks of Florence in alliance with the
Lucchese besiege Pistoja, May 1305.
The Cardinal Nicholas of Prato, who had strongly
supported his (Pope Clement's) election, stood
high in his favour. And, having been legate in
Tuscany, as has been said (1), he had received
authority fom the Pistojans to appoint their Magis-
trates (2) for four years, to the end that he might
have authority, in concluding the pence, to carry
out what was demanded of Pistoja (3). For the
Black party desired that the exiled Guelfs should
return to Pistoja, and they said, " We will not
make peace unless the Government of Pistoja be
reformed, for if the pacification were carried out
in Florence [only] the Ghibtllines would keep
possession of Pistoja, since M. Tolosato is lord of
it ; and thus we should be duped." And it was
said that Pistoja had been given up to the Church
(4). But the Cardinal's promise proved of no
avail (5), because he was driven out of Florence,
as has been related.
192 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
The Blacks, having lost all hope of gaining
Pistoja [by agreement], determined to seize it by
force : and, with the aid of the Lucchese, they
went and laid siege to the city. They fortified
themselves there, and surrounded the city with
palisades and constructed many wooden towers,
which they strongly guarded.
The city lay in the plain ; it was small, but
well walled and embattled ; [it was furnished] with
strongholds and fortified gates and with great moats
filled with water, so that it could not be taken by
assault ; but [the Florentines and Lucchese] set
to work to starve it out, because it could not receive
succour. The Pisans, who were the Pistojans'
friends, helped them with money, but not with
men; [and] the Bolognese were not. very friendly
to them (6).
i. III. 4.
2. I.e. the Podesta and Captain of the People.
3. I.e. as a guarantee that Pistoja, which was in the hands
of the Whites and Ghibellines, should recall her Black exiles,
just as Florence, which was in the hands of the Blacks, would
recall her White and Ghibelline exiles, if the pacification
were carried into effect. See III. 5, with which the pre-
sent chapter is closely connected. The Blacks' contention
was plausible, but it must not be forgotten that they were
all the time doing their best to thwart the Cardinal's efforts
to make peace.
4. Implying that the Whites and Ghibellines as hostile
to the Church must not be allowed to retain their supremacy
there.
5. The Cardinal's promise was his undertaking, given
to the Whites and Ghibellines in Pistoja, to make peace
between them and the Black Guelfs in Florence.
6. Pisa was consistently Ghibelline. The White exiles
who had found refuge in Bologna (see II. 32) were driven
out from there in March 1306, less than a year after the
beginning of the siege of Pistoja (see III. 17) ; though a
Bolognese contingent had taken part in Baschiera della
Tosa's attack on Florence (III. 10).
THE THIRD BOOK 193
CHAPTER XIV
The siege of Pistoja, 1305-1306.
The Blacks elected for their Captain of War
Robert, Duke of Calabria, the eldest son (1) of
King Charles of Apulia (2), who came to Florence
with 300 horsemen ; and together with the Luc-
chese they remained a long time besieging Pistoja,
because the Pistojans, who were brave men, often
sallied forth to exchange blows with their enemies,
and performed great acts of prowess. They slew
many men of the Contado-militia of Florence and
Lucca ; and held the city with few soldiers, because,
on account of poverty, many had gone out of it.
And not thinking to be besieged, they had not pro-
vided themselves with supplies ; and after the siege
was begun they could not ; therefore hunger was
assailing them. The officials who were in charge
of the supplies wisely distributed them in a secret
manner. The women and the men who were of
little use [in fighting^] would pass stealthily through
the camp by night, and go for supplies to La Sam-
buca and to other places and other fortresses in the
direction of Bologna, and brought them into Pistoja
without difficulty. When the Florentines found
this out they strengthened themselves on that side
in such a manner that little could be brought in that
way ; however, for money, and by stealth some sup-
plies were introduced, until the ditch was finished (3)
and the wooden towers were made : and after that
no more could be brought in ; for any one who
brought provisions was seized and had his nose cut
194 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
off; and they cut off the feet of some. And this
caused such terror that no one durst bring in sup-
plies any more.
The lords and governors of the city would not
abandon it, for they were men who were confident
that they could defend themselves. The Pisans
aided them with money, but not with men. IVL
Tolosato Uberti and Agnolo di M. Guglielmino,
the Magistrates (4), owing to scarcity of supplies,
sent out all the poor, the children, the widows, and
nearly all the other women of low estate.
Ah ! how cruel a thing was this for the minds
of the citizens to endure ! To see their women
led to the gates of the city, and placed in the hands
of their enemies, and shut out ! And any woman
who had no powerful kinsmen without, or was not
protected on account of her gentle birth, was out-
raged by the enemy. And the exiles from Pis-
toja (5) recognised the wives and children of their
enemies, and outraged numbers of them ; but the
Duke protected many of them.
The new Pope Clement V., at the request of the
Cardinal Nicholas of Prato, commanded the Duke
Robert and the Florentines to raise the siege of
Pistoja. The Duke obeyed and departed (6) :
[but J the Florentines remained and elected as their
Captain M. Bino de' Gabrielli of Gubbio. He
had no pity on the citizens of Pistoja, who within
the city kept down their tears and did not show
their griefs, because they saw that they must do
this in order not to die. They vented themselves
against their adversaries ; whenever they seized one
of them they cruelly slew him. But the most to
be pitied were those who had been mutilated in the
THE THIRD BOOK 195
camp, for the enemy put them down with their feet
cut off at the foot of the walls, in order that their
fathers, brothers, or sons might see them. And
these could not receive or help them, because the
Signory (7) did not allow it lest the others should
be demoralised thereby ; nor did they suffer them
to be seen by their kinsmen and friends from the
walls above. And thus died the good Pistojan
citizens who had been mutilated by the enemy and
driven towards their distressed and afflicted city.
Sodom and Gomorrah, and the other cities which
were overwhelmed in a moment and their inhabi-
tants slain, had a far better fate than the Pistojans
dying in such bitter sufferings. How did the wrath
of God assail them ! How many, and what sins
could they have [committed] to merit such sudden
judgment ? The besiegers outside sustained much
hart owing to the bad weather, the bad ground (8),
and their great expenses ; and they burdened their
citizens heavily, and spoiled the Ghibellines and
Whites of money to such an extent as to ruin many
of them. And in order to obtain money they de-
vised a very ingenious measure, which was a tax
levied on the citizens called the "Saw" (Sega).
They levied so much a head a day on the Ghibel-
lines and Whites ; on some three lire, on some two
lire, and on some one lira, according to their esti-
mate of what £each man]] could bear : and thus he
who was placed under bounds was taxed just as he
who was in the city. And on all fathers having
sons able to bear arms they laid a certain tax, if
the latter did not present themselves in the army
within twenty days. The city sent them (9) there
by Sesti (10), and by turns of twenty days. And
196 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the Florentines and Lucchese went so far as to
ruin many of the militiamen of their contadi by keep-
ing them [on service] without pay ; for they were
poor, and they were obliged to remain under arms
at the siege of Pistoja.
The governors of Pistoja, who knew the true
state of the supplies, always kept it concealed, and
issued supplies to the strangers who were under
arms in the service of the city, and to the other
men who were of use [as combatants] judiciously,
according as they had need : for they saw them-
selves within reach of death by hunger. Those
who knew the scarcity of supplies were hard put
to it ; and their plan was to hold on till the last,
and then tell the people the state of the case,
whereupon all should arm, and throw themselves
in desperation on the enemy, sword in hand, [for
then], " either we shall die, having nothing to gain
or lose (n), or perchance their hearts will fail
them, and they will hide themselves and take refuge
in flight or other cowardly measures. " And so
they determined to do when they should see them-
selves coming to an end of the supplies ; but for all
that they did not abandon the hope of escape.
This and the next chapter should be compared with
Villani, viii. 82.
1. I.e. eldest surviving son.
2. See I. 7, n. 6.
3. A ditch cut by the invaders all round the city.
4. I.e. Podesta and Captain of the People. Agnolo
belonged to the Ghibelline family of the Pazzi of Valdarno.
5. I.e. the Blacks who had been banished from Pistoja,
and now formed part of the besieging forces.
6. The Duke left the siege in October, but his Marshal,
Diego de la Rat, a Catalan, remained in command of his
troops, and in command-in-chief of the besieging forces
THE THIRD BOOK 197
The Lucchese were under the command of the Marquis
Moro ello Malaspina.
7. I.e. the Magistrates (above, n. 4).
8. The ground is said to be " bad " because the numerous
streams (see I. 26) would cause floods in rainy weather.
The next clause refers in particular to the Florentines, as
does the next paragraph.
9. I.e. the city militia.
10. I.e. so many from each Sesto.
11. Lit. " we shall die for nothing."
CHAPTER XV
The Pistojans procure the appointment of Cardinal
Napoleone Orsini as Papal Legate in Tuscany,
with a view to saving- them from falling into the
hands of their enemies. Hearing of this the
Florentine government fcpens negotiations for
the surrender of Pistoja on favourable terms.
The city is surrendered (April 10, 1306), but
the terms are violated by the Florentines.
The Pistojans signified their misery to the Cardinal
of Prato and to other secret friends of theirs
without who were stirring on their behalf. And
they succeeded so far that at Court M. Napoleone
Orsini, a Cardinal (1), was appointed Legate in
Tuscany and in the Patriarchate of Aquileja.
And this was done to succour Pistoja, as being a
city of the Church (2). This Cardinal set out at
once, and arrived in Lombardy in a few days.
The glorious God, who smites and chastises
sinners yet does not confound them altogether,
was moved to pity, and sent this thought into the
heart of the Florentines : " This lord is coming,
and when he has arrived he will say, ' This city
198 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
belongs to the Church ' ; and he will wish to enter
it, and we shall come to strife with the Church " (3).
They considered, therefore, how to take measures
[against this].
Since things are more feared at a distance than
near at hand, and men fancy many things — just as
when a stronghold or fortress is being built there
are many who from divers considerations fear it, and
after it has been bui!t and completed, their minds are
reassured and they do not fear it at all — thus the
Florentines feared the1 Cardinal at a distance; but
when he was near they heeded him little, although
they might reasonably have feared [him] both on
account of the greatness of the Church, of his own
dignity, of his powerful position in Rome, and of
the great friendship tie despots and the Common-
wealths bore towards him. And so much did they
fear his coming that' they determined to try to
come to terms in this manner : They had a wise
and good monk of Santo Spirito (4) whom they
sent to Pistoja, to M. . . . de' Vergellesi (5), one of
the chief citizens, [and] a great friend of his. And
in talking with him, the monk made him many
particular and general promises on behalf of the
Signory of Florence, offering to him that the city
should remain free and untouched in its beauty (6),
and [that] the citizens should be unmolested in
their persons and should retain their fortresses (7).
When the knight understood this, he made it
known to the Elders (8), who, hearing the monk
and learning what authority he bore (9), concluded
the agreement ; rot without the will of God,
who disposes things, great and small, and whose
will it was not wholly to destroy that city. O
THE THIRD BOOK 197
The Lucchese were under the command of the Marquis
Moro ello Malaspina.
7. I.e. the Magistrates (above, n. 4).
8. The ground is said to be " bad " because the numerous
streams (see I. 26) would cause floods in rainy weather.
The next clause refers in particular to the Florentines, as
does the next paragraph.
9. I.e. the city militia.
10. I.e. so many from each Sesto.
11. Lit. " we shall die for nothing."
CHAPTER XV
The Pistojans procure the appointment of Cardinal
Napoleone Orsini as Papal Legate in Tuscany,
with a view to saving* them from falling- into the
hands of their enemies. Hearing of this the
Florentine government opens negotiations for
the surrender of Pistoja on favourable terms.
The city is surrendered (April 10, 1306), but
the terms are violated by the Florentines.
The Pistojans signified their misery to the Cardinal
of Prato and to other secret friends of theirs
without who were stirring on their behalf. And
they succeeded so far that at Court M. Napoleone
Orsini, a Cardinal (1), was appointed Legate in
Tuscany and in the Patriarchate of Aquileja.
And this was done to succour Pistoja, as being a
city of the Church (2). This Cardinal set out at
once, and arrived in Lombardy in a few days.
The glorious God, who smites and chastises
sinners yet does not confound them altogether,
was moved to pity, and sent this thought into the
heart of the Florentines : " This lord is coming,
and when he has arrived he will say, ' This city
198 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
belongs to the Church ' ; and he will wish to enter
it, and we shall come to strife with the Church " (3).
They considered, therefore, how to take measures
[against this].
Since things are more feared at a distance than
near at hand, and men fancy many things — just as
when a stronghold or fortress is being built there
are many who from divers considerations fear it, and
after it has been built and com ilete:!, their minds are
reassured and they do not fear it at all — thus the
Florentines feared the Cardinal at a distance ; but
when he was near they heeded him little, although
they might reasonably have feared [him] both on
account of the greatness of the Church, of his own
dignity, of his powerful position in Rome, and of
the great friendship the despots and the Common-
wealths bore towards him. And so much did they
fear his coming that they determined to try to
come to terms in this manner : They had a wise
and good monk of Santo Spirito (4) whom they
sent to Pistoja, to M. . . . de' Vergellesi (5), one of
the chief citizens, [and] a great friend of his. And
in talking with him, the monk made him many
particular and general promises on behalf of the
Signory of Florence, offering to him that the city
should remain free and untouched in its beauty (6),
and [that] the citizens should be unmolested in
their persons and should retain their fortresses (7).
When the knight understood this, he nude it
known to the Elders (8), who, hearing the monk
and learning what authority he bore (9), concluded
the agreement ; not without the will of God,
who disposes things, great and small, and whose
will it was not wholly to destroy that city. O
THE THIRD BOOK 199
merciful Clemency, how didst Thou lead them
into utmost extremity ! For they had only provi-
sions left to live on for one day, and then they must
needs have revealed to the citizens the death by
hunger [awaiting them]. For this [agreement] be
Thou, most holy Majesty, for ever praised ! For
the bread which well-to-do (10) citizens were
eating, pigs would have disdained !
The agreement having been made before the
Cardinal's arrival, the gate was opened on the 10th
of April 1306. And there was a certain citizen
who, on account of the hunger he had suffered, ate
so much that he burst.
The Blacks of Florence seized the city, and did
not observe their agreement, for so greatly did the
fear of being obliged to give it up to the Whites
press upon them, that immediately, without any
interval, they threw down the walls, which were
very fine.
The Cardinal Legate, on hearing the news from
Pistoja, was exceedingly vexed, because he believed
that he was in a position to have applied a remedy
[to the trouble]. He went to Bologna, and took
up his abode there.
1. He belonged to one of the most powerful families in
Rome, was a nephew of Pope Nicholas III., and had been
made Cardinal by Nicholas IV. in 1288. He died at
Avignon in 1347 [cf. II. 35, n. 5).
2. See III. 13.
3. The difficulty was that though they were Guelfs, i.e.
of the party of the Church, the Church was intervening for
the protection of a city which was in the hands of the Whites
to whom the Blacks denied the name of Guelfs, and whom
they regarded as Ghibellines.
4. An Augustinian monastery.
200 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
5. M. Lippo (=Filippo) Vergellesi, the father of Selvaggia,
to whom Cino of Pistoja paid poetic homage.
6. I.e. the walls and buildings were not to be demolished.
7. I.e. the fortresses in the Contado.
8. See I. 25, n. 2.
9. I.e. the authority to treat on behalf of the Signory of
Florence (see I. 26).
10. Lit. "good" (buoni). Cf. I. 8, n. 5.
CHAPTER XVI
This chapter forms a digression, and is intended to
point out how Azzo VIII., Marquis of Ferrara,
the ally of the Black Guelfs (see II. 32) was
weakened by the rebellion of Modena and
Reggio against his tyranny, which rebellion
was brought about by Giberto (or Ghiberto) of
Correggio, the Lord of Parma (January 1306).
Parma, Reggio, and Modena had rebelled against
the Marquis of Ferrara, whom, because of the
excessive tyranny he practised against them, God
would no longer suffer : for when he was most
exalted, he fell. For he had taken to wife the
daughter of King Charles of Apulia, and in order
that he might condescend to give her to him, he
bought her, beyond the common custom (t), and
made over to her Modena and Reggio as dowry :
for which cause his brothers and the noble citizens
scorned to become the vassals of another ; and
to this there was added the hostility of a
powerful knight of Parma, called M. Ghiberto,
whom the Marquis was seeking to drive away
(2) by treachery. But the knight gave great
encouragement to the citizens of those two cities to
THE THIRD BOOK 201
rebel, and by means of troops and arms he freed
them from servitude.
1. I.e. the mercenary character of the transaction was
more notorious than usual (see P-urg. xx. 79, 80).
2. I.e. from Parma.
CHAPTER XVII
The Cardinal Legate Napoleone Orsini is driven
out of Bologna, 1306. In 1307 he gathers the
forces of the White and Ghibelline exiles and
their allies at Arezzo. After a futile campaign
against Florence the exiles disperse.
Whilst the Legate was in Bologna, the Bolognese
revolted and drove out their enemies (1). He
thought to make peace between them. [But] the
Florentines wrought so effectually by money and
encouragement that they (the Bolognese) laid the
blame of a plot and of treason on the Legate (2),
and drove him ignominiously and shamefully from
Bologna ; and one of his chaplains was slain. He
went to Romagna, intending to enter For 11, [but]
the Florentines prevented him from doing so. He
went to Arezzo (3), and sought by letters and
embassies to appease them, but he could not.
While the Cardinal was at Arezzo he collected
many troops and strengthened himself there,
because he heard that the Blacks of Florence
would come thither in force. There came to
his aid the Marquis of the March (4) with many
noblemen from thence, many White Guelfs and
Ghibellines of Florence, many horsemen from
202 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Rome and Pisa, and many ecclesiastics of Lom-
bardy (5), and it was computed that in all there
were 2400 picked horsemen.
The Blacks of Florence went against them, but
in great mistrust ; they did not, however, come
near Arezzo. They took the road towards Siena,
then they turned aside across a mountain and
entered the territory of Arezzo (6), where they
destroyed many strongholds of the Ubertini. They
did not descend to the plain, as the passes might
have been contested against them ; and no battle
was fought, because the Blacks were exceedingly
afraid of risking an engagement. Their enemies
urged the Cardinal to join battle, pointing out that
the advantage was greatly on his side and victory
certain. The Cardinal would never consent to this,
nor would he allow his troops to go to seize the
passes or cut off the Blacks' supplies on the re-
treat (7) ; and so the Blacks returned to Florence
without any danger or injury.
The Cardinal was greatly blamed for having
allowed them to get away safely, and it was said
by many that he had done it for money or because
of a promise made to him by them that they would
obey and honour him ; or else that M. Corso
Donati had promised him 4000 florins on the
understanding that he (the Cardinal) should hand
over the chy to him (M. Corso) ; while it was also
said that the Cardinal had come that way with his
troops in order to be able to draw off the Blacks
from their movement [against Arezzo] and [so J to
get M. Corso's money without handing the city
over to him (8). Those who had come to the
Cardinal's aid (9) departed disconsolate, for they
THE THIRD BOOK 203
saw that there was nothing more to be done ; and
they had spent much without any profit, in the belief
that they should reconquer their city. And they
never came together any more.
1. The "revolt" of Bologna, i.e. the adherence of its
government to the cause of the Black Guelfs, and the conse-
quent expulsion of the White exiles of Florence (see II. 32,
n. 2 ; III. 13, n. 6), had taken place in March 1306, before
the arrival of the Cardinal. He was driven out of Bologna
on May 22, 1306.
2. I.e. they accused him of plotting to overthrow the
Guelf government of Bologna.
3. In the early part of the following year (1307).
4. " Marquis of the March of Ancona" was' the title
(originally belonging to the feudal lord of that region) borne
by the governor appointed by the Pope.
5. These were ecclesiastical dignitaries who were also
feudal lords ; and it is to be understood that they brought
their forces with them. Lombardy is used in a loose sense
as equivalent to Northern Italy.
6. I.e. they first marched along the Arno valley towards
Arezzo, then turned to the right up the valley of the Ambra
towards Siena, then to the left across the mountains of
Palazzolo (the " mountain" of Dino's text) into the Aretine
territory. The "plain" mentioned just afterwards is the
valley of the Chiana at the head of which Arezzo is situated.
7. An important link in the chain of events is here omitted
by Dino, though he alludes to it below. The Cardinal,
instead of attacking the Florentine army, as he was being
urged to do, marched with his own troops up the Casentino
(see I. 9, n. 2), and made as though he were going to cross
the mountains and drop down on Florence. The effect of
this was that the Florentine army, which was besieging the
Aretine fortress of Gargosa or Gargonza, was obliged to
1 eat a hasty retreat and return to protect Florence itself.
G. Villani's account of the campaign (viii. 89) should be
compared with Dino's, which, on account of its conciseness,
is difficult to understand.
8. Here again the conciseness of the narrative makes it
obscure. Dino alludes to two reports which professed to
account for the Cardinal's allowing the Florentine army
to return uninjured to Florence : (a) it was said that the
Cardinal had allowed the army to return either in con-
204 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
sideration of a bribe or of a promise that the government
would submit to his mediation ; {3) it was said that the
Cardinal had made an agreement with Corso Donati to
this effect : Corso was to pay down 4000 florins, and the
Cardinal, on entering the city, was to hand over the govern-
ment to Corso, and to crush the rival party of Rosso della
Tosa and the popolani. But the Cardinal, it was said, had
first taken Corso's money, and then, by his march into the
Casentino, brought back the Florentine army to the city,
thus making it impossible for him to fulfil his part of the
bargain with Corso. The words " had come that way with
his troops " refer to the Cardinal's march up the Casentino
(see preceding note).
9. The White and Ghibelline exiles from Florence are
specially referred to.
CHAPTER XVIII
Cardinal Napoleone Orsini, after protracted and
futile negotiations with the Florentine govern-
ment, is deprived of his office of Legate. The
Florentine envoys to the Cardinal stir up
strife at Arezzo (1307-1308).
The Blacks scoffed at the Cardinal and sought to
dishonour him in many ways [while] making a
show of wishing to obey him. And after their
return (1) to Florence they sent to the place
where he was M. Betto Brunelleschi and M. Geri
Spini, as ambassadors, who made him turn and
twist as they pleased, and drew favours from him,
[so that] they seemed to be the rulers of his court.
They also (2) caused him to send a certain friar
Ubertino to the Signory ; but so many expedients
and pretexts were invented and put forward from
moment to moment that [those who were negotiating
on the Cardinal's behalf] waited for [the appoint-
THE THIRD BOOK 205
ment of] the next Signory which they hoped
would be more favourably disposed towards them.
Some said that the Legate held the Blacks to
be upright men ; and that he confidently told his
friends there would be peace. Never was a woman
enticed by panders and then dishonoured as he was
by those two knights ; and of the younger (3) it
was said that he pursued the work with the most
cunning, putting the Cardinal off with words, [and]
prolonging the negotiations for peace, over which
they spent a long time because of the ambiguous
language he used. At length, on account of the
discredit brought on the Cardinal at Court (4), he
was removed from the Legation, and went with
little honour to Rome.
Wise men perceived that the ambassadors were
staying at Arezzo in order to cause dissension among
the Aretines. And Uguccione of Faggiuola, to-
gether with the Magalotti and many Magnates (5),
sowed such discord in Arezzo that the Ghibellines
in power were living in the position of enemies (6).
But yet afterwards they became quiet.
1. I.e. after the return of the army from the expedition
against Arezzo (see preceding chapter).
2. Anco. This is the reading adopted in Del Lungo's
larger edition. In the smaller edition he reads tanto, which
could only be rendered by a long paraphrase.
3. I.e. Betto Brunelleschi (see III. 39).
4. I.e. by the agents of the Blacks. The "Court," it
will be remembered, was now in France. It was definitely
fixed at Avignon in 1309 (see III. 23, n. 5).
5. I.e. Florentine Magnates of the Black faction. The
Magalotti are enumerated among them in II. 26. Uguc-
cione, who had been driven from Arezzo in 1303 {cf. II. 28),
had returned in this year, 1308.
6. These were the Ghibellines of the "Dry" faction,
then controlling the government, and they were presumably
206 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
contemplating violent measures against their rivals, the
"Green" faction, to which Uguccione had attached himself,
and which was in league with the Blacks of Florence.
CHAPTER XIX
Corso Donati rallies the Magnates round him, and
prepares for an attempt to wrest the govern-
ment out of the hands of the Popolani by
force (1308).
Like as the worm is bred in a sound apple, so ail
created things which are to come to an end must
have within them a cause which brings them to their
end (1). Once more through avarice and envy (2)
great dissension arose among the Black Guelfs of
Florence. This was because M. Corso Donati,
deeming that he had done more work [than the
rest] in the reconquest of the city (3), thought that
he was receiving but a small share, or almost none,
of its honours and emoluments, because M. Rosso
della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, M. Betto
Brunelleschi, and M. Geri Spini with their fol-
lowers among the popolani seized the honours, served
their friends, gave authoritative opinions, conferred
favours ; and made him of no account. Thus
they caused great wrath in the minds [of M. Corso
and his faction], which grew until it became open
hatred.
M. Pazzino de' Pazzi caused M. Corso Donati
to be arrested one day on account of money he
owed him. Many insulting words were spoken
on both sides, on account of [M. Rosso and his
followers] wanting to govern without him ; because
THE THIRD BOOK 207
M. Corso was so ambitious and so active that they
were afraid of him and did not believe it possible
to give him a share which should content him.
Wherefore M. Corso gathered round him adherents
of many sorts. He had with him a great part of
the Magnates, because they hated the popolani for
the rigorous Ordinances of Justice made against
them, which he promised to annul (4). He
gathered to his side many of those who hoped
through him to become so great that they would
remain in control of the government, and many
[he gained] with fair words which he coloured
with great skill. And he was wont to say through-
out the city : " Those fellows are appropriating
all the honours, while the rest of us who are nobly
born and powerful are in the position of aliens :
those fellows have the Catalan troops who follow
them (5), they have the false popolani [on their
side], and they divide among themselves the trea-
sure of which we, as being greater, should be
masters." And he likewise turned aside many of
his adversaries and brought them over to his own
mind. Among these were the Medici and Bor-
doni (6), who used to be hostile to him, and sup-
porters of M. Rosso della Tosa.
When he had banded together his conspirators
once more (7) they began to speak more haughtily
in the Piazze and in the Councils, and if any one
opposed them they assumed a hostile mien towards
him. And so greatly was the fire kindled, that,
by agreement with the [other] conspirators, the
Medici and the Bordoni and others appointed to
do it, assaulted Scambrilla on purpose to kill him,
and they gave him several wounds in the face.
208 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Their adversaries therefore held that this was done
as an affront to them. They visited him often
and talked a great deal [about the affair], and when
he was cured they granted him foot-soldiers at the
expense of the Commonwealth, and encouraged
him to take a signal revenge. This Scambrilla
was a man of powerful frame ; he was powerful
also because of the friends whose follower he
was (8). He was not a man of high station, for
he had been a mercenary (9).
The hatred [still] increasing through the proud
words which passed between those of the con-
spiracy and the others, friends and forces began to
be summoned from all directions. The Bordoni
had great support from Carmignano, Pistoja, the
Monte dl Sotto (10) and from Tajo di M. Ridolfo,
a great man at Prato, and the men of his house and
those who were of his mind ; so that he lent aid to
the conspirators.
M. Corso had vehemently stirred up the Luc-
chese (11) by disclosing the wicked deeds of his
adversaries and the methods they employed, which,
whether real or fictitious, he well knew how to
colour. After his return to Florence (12) he
arranged that on a day named all the conspirators
should go in arms to the Palace of the Signory,
and say that they absolutely insisted that Florence
should have a different government (13) : and with
these words they should come to blows.
1. Convie?te che cagione sia in esse che al lor fine termini.
The " sound apple" in this case was the supremacy of the
Black Guelfs in Florence, which, as Dino believed, would
be brought to an end by the " worm " of discord.
2. Cf. Villani, viii. 96 ; Inf. vi. 74.
3. I.e. in the overthrow of the Whites,
THE THIRD BOOK 209
4. In December 1306 an additional officer, who was to be
a foreigner, had been appointed to ensure that provisions
of the Ordinances of Justice should be more effectually
carried out. His title was Executor of the Ordinances of
Justice.
5. Scherigli, the name given to the Catalan troops com-
manded by Diego de la Rat (King Charles's marshal) which
had been retained in the pay of the Commonwealth of
Florence after the capture of Pistoja (see III. 14, n. 6).
6. See III. 2, n. 9.
7. See III. 2, 3.
8. I.e. Rosso della Tosa and the leaders among that
party.
9. I.e. in the service of some other state.
10. Carmignano is in the valley of the Ombrone between
Florence and Pistoja. The Monte di Sotto (literally, the
mountain below) is the name of a chain of hills on the
southern side of that valley.
11. A body of foot-soldiers from the Contado of Lucca,
at that time in the service of the Florentine government.
12. From Treviso, where he had served as Podesta for
the first six months of this year, 1308.
13. I.e. not a new constitution, but that the control of the
existing government should pass out of the hands of the
popolani.
CHAPTER XX
The government of Florence anticipate Corso
Donati's rebellion, attack him with their forces
while he is unprepared, and put him and his
men to flight (October 6, 1308).
M. Rosso and his followers heard of the calls to
arms, the words that were being spoken, and the
warlike preparations (1); with their minds full of
wrath they inflamed themselves so much by talking
that they could not be kept from an outbreak ; and
one Sunday morning they went to the Priors, who
assembled the Council (2), called out their forces
210 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
(3), and caused M. Corso and his sons and the
Bordoni to be cited. The citation and the procla-
mation of the charge against them (4) were made
at once, and they were condemned forthwith : and
on the same day the forces of the Commonwealth
went to the houses of M. Corso. He strengthened
himself at the Piazza di S. Piero Maggiore (5), by
putting up barricades and gathering many foot-
soldiers. The Bordoni also vigorously hastened
thither with a numerous following, and with pennons
on which their arms were displayed.
M. Corso was grievously disabled by the gout,
and could not bear arms. But with his tongue he
encouraged his friends, praising and cheering those
who bore themselves valiantly. His troops were
few, for it was not [yet] the day fixed (6).
The assailants were many, because all the Gon-
falons of the people were there, with the hired
soldiers and Catalans at the barricades ; and with
cross-bows, stones and fire. M. Corso's few foot-
soldiers defended themselves vigorously with lances,
cross-bows and stones, waiting for those in the
conspiracy to come to their assistance. These were
the Bardi, the Rossi, the Frescobaldi, and nearly
all the Sesto of Oltrarno ; the Tornaquinci and the
Buondelmonti, save M. Gherardo. But none of
them moved or made any demonstration. M.
Corso, seeing he could not defend himself, deter-
mined to depart. The barricades were broken
down ; his friends fled through the houses, and
many who were on his side pretended to belong to
the others.
M. Rosso, M. Pazzino, M. Geri, Pinaccio, and
many others fought vigorously on foot and on
THE THIRD BOOK 211
horseback. Piero and M. Guglielmino Spini (a
young new-made knight, armed after the Catalan
fashion), Boccaccio Adimari also and his sons, and
some of his kinsmen followed hard after the fugi-
tives, and caught up Gherardo Bordoni at La Croce
a Gorgo (7). They attacked him ; he fell on his
face ; they dismounted and slew him, and Boc-
caccio's son cut off his hand and carried it home.
Some blamed him for this ; but he said he did it
because Gherardo had wrought against him and his
at the request of M. Tedice Adimari, their kins-
man, and the brother-in-law of the said Gherardo
(8). Gherardo's brothers escaped, and his father
took refuge in the houses of the Tornaquinci, for he
was old.
Villani, viii. 96 should be compared with this chapter.
1. I.e. the preparations made by Corso Donati mentioned
in the preceding chapter.
2. I.e. the General Council of the Podesta.
3. I.e. the Companies forming the Civic militia (see II.
22, n. 4).
4. The charge was that of treason against the " people,"
i.e. the popolano government, and confederacy with Uguc-
cione of Faggiuola and the Ghibellines (Villani, viii. 96).
Uguccione, Corso's son-in-law, was in fact now on his
way to Florence.
5. See II. 18, n. 6, 8.
6. See preceding chapter, near the end.
7. I.e. the Cross by the Eddy. The place was on the
right bank of the Arno, east of the city {cf. III. 41).
8. There was a family feud among the Adimari. Boc-
caccio belonged to the Cavicciuli branch, who were Blacks ;
most of the other members of the family, including Tedice,
were Whites [cf. Villani, viii. 39, 96).
212 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XXI
The death of M. Corso Donati (October 6, 1308).
M. Corso, infirm through gout, was fleeing to-
wards the abbey of S. Salvi (1), where in time
past he had done, and caused to be done, many evil
things. The Catalans took him prisoner, and re-
cognised him ; but when they were going to take
him away with them he defended himself with fair
words, like a prudent knight. Meanwhile a young
brother-in-law of the Marshal (2) came up. Urged
by others to slay him, he would not do it ; but
when he returned [to the city] he was sent back (3),
and the second time he pierced M. Corso's throat with
a Catalan lance and gave him another wound in the
side ; and M. Corso fell to the ground. Some
monks carried him away to the abbey, and there he
died on . . . (4) and was buried.
The people began to be calm, and his grievous
death was much talked of in various ways, accord-
ing to the friendship or enmity [felt for him] ; but
to tell the truth, his life was dangerous and his
death reprehensible (5). He was a knight of great
ambition and renown, an aristocrat by birth and
behaviour, of very great personal beauty even till his
old age ; he had a line figure and delicate features,
and a fair complexion. He was a pleasing, clever,
and accomplished speaker ; always busying himself in
great matters ; familiar and intimate with great lords
and with noblemen, possessing powerful friends ;
and famous throughout all Italy. He was the
enemy of democracies (6) and of the popolani ; was
THE THIRD BOOK 213
beloved by his retainers ; was full of wicked designs,
unprincipled and astute.
He was slain in such vile fashion by a foreign
mercenary, and his kinsmen knew well who slew
him ; therefore the man was immediately sent away
by his friends. Those who caused M. Corso to
be slain were, it was commonly said, M. Rosso
della Tosa and M. Pazzino de' Pazzi ; and some
blessed them, and others did the contrary. Many
believed that the said two kniohts slew him ; but
I, wishing to search out the truth, have sought
diligently and found the truth to be as I have
stated (7).
1. The abbey of S. Salvi, a short distance from Florence
on the eastern side, belonged to the monks of the Order of
Vallombrosa.
2. See III. 19, n. 5.
3. According to what we read at the end of the chapter,
by Rosso della Tosa and Pazzino de' Pazzi, to whom must
be added Betto Brunelleschi (III. 39). The various accounts
of Corso Donati's death differ in detail, as is only natural
(cf. Villani, viii. 96 ; Purg. xxiv. 82-88).
4. The MSS. have a wrong date. See head-note.
5. I.e. though his life was a menace to the public tran-
quillity, those who brought about his death were to blame
for their action.
6. Popoli, i.e. of the government of States by the wealthy
traders {cf. I. 4, n. 2).
7. Viz. that Rosso and Pazzino caused Corso Donati to be
killed though they did not kill him themselves.
2i4 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XXII
A summary reference to the interdicts and excom-
munications issued by the Holy See against
the Florentines since 1302. Death of Lottieri
della Tosa, Bishop of Florence (April 1309).
Intrigues of the Blacks in connection with the
appointment of his successor.
The holy Church of Rome, who is the mother of
Christians when wicked pastors do not cause her to
err, having sunk into abjectness through the dimin-
ished reverence of the faithful, had cited the Floren-
tines ; and after having commenced proceedings of
excommunication, had given sentence against them,
and had excommunicated the officials (1) and laid
the city under interdict, and deprived the laity of
the ministrations of religion (2). The Florentines
sent ambassadors to the Pope (3). Bishop Lottieri
della Tosa died. Another, a man of low birth (4),
was appointed through simony ; he was an eager
supporter of the Guelf party and in high favour
among the people, but not a man of holy life. The
Pope was much blamed for this and very wrongly,
because, according to the philosopher (5), evil pas-
tors are sometimes allowed by God for the sins
of the people. Great interest was made with the
Court by means of promises and money ; one had
the votes (6), another (7) the money, but Antonio
d'Orso got the bishopric. The canons had elected
one of their number as bishop ; M. Rosso and the
other Blacks favoured him because he was of their
mind, and they thought they should lead him as
THE THIRD BOOK 215
they pleased. He went to Court and spent much
money, and did not get the bishopric.
1. I.e. the Podesta, the Captain, and their officials. They
are mentioned specially because they were foreigners : the
members of the Signory and other officers would be included
in the general excommunication of the citizens of Florence.
2. Dino here refers comprehensively to interdicts laid on
the city (a) by the Cardinal of Acquasparta in 1302 after his
futile attempt at a pacification (see II. 23, n. 2) ; (b) by the
Cardinal of Prato in 1304 (see III. 7) ; (c) by Cardinal
Napoleone Orsini in 1307 (see III. 18) ; (d) by other nuncios
of the Holy See.
3. I.e. on several occasions since 1306, in order to obtain
absolution from the Holy See. The bull of absolution was
granted by Clement V. in September 1309.
4. The bishops of Florence had usually been Magnates.
The person now appointed was Antonio d'Orso, Bishop of
Fiesole.
5. Not Aristotle, but Job. ' ' Who maketh a hypocrite to
reign, because of the sins of the people" [Job xxxiv. 30,
Vulgate).
6. I.e. the votes of the Cathedral Chapter (see below),
who had the right of election subject to the Pope's power
of setting it aside and making an appointment himself.
7. I.e. the Papal Court.
CHAPTER XXIII
The oppression of the Church by King Philip IV. of
France causes the Pope and Cardinals to pro-
cure the election of Henry of Luxemburg- as
Emperor (27th November 1308).
The Empire being vacant by the death of Frederick
II. (1), and the adherents of the Imperial party
being kept under heavy burdens (2), and, in Tuscany
and Sicily, almost brought to naught, governments
having been changed, and the fame and memory of
the Empire being well-nigh extinct, the Emperor
216 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
of Heaven (3) made provision [for this extremity]
and put into the mind of the Pope and of his Car-
dinals to perceive how that the arms of Holy Church
were so enfeebled that her faithful people scarce
obeyed her (4). The King of France, puffed up
with pride because he had been the author of the
death of Pope Boniface, and believing that his power
would be dreaded by all, caused Cardinals to be
chosen as he pleased, through fear [of his dis-
pleasure] ; demanded that the bones of Pope Boni-
face should be burned and Boniface himself sen-
tenced as a heretic ; detained the Pope almost by
force (5); harassed and persecuted the Jews in order
to take away their money ; accused the Templars of
heresy, threatening them [with suppression] ; and
laid low the honours of Holy Church, so that by
reason of many innovations present to men's minds
(6) the Church was not obeyed : and having no
arm nor defender, the Pope and Cardinals thought
to raise up an Emperor, a man who should be just,
wise and powerful, a son of Holy Church, a lover
of the Faith. And they applied themselves to seek
one who might be worthy of so great an honour ;
and they found one who had long dwelt at Court
(7), a wise man, of noble blood, just and famous,
of great probity, brave in arms and of noble race, a
man of great ability and of well-tempered character,
namely, Henry, Count of Luxemburg, in the Valley
of the Rhine, in Germany. He was forty years
of age, of middle height, a fine speaker, of good
figure, slightly squint-eyed. This Count had been
at Court to procure a great archbishopric in Ger-
many for one of his brothers, and, having obtained
the said benefice, took his departure. This arch-
THE THIRD BOOK 217
bishopric carried one of the seven votes of the
Empire (8). By the will of God the other votes
were in agreement [with that one], and Henry was
elected Emperor ; but, owing to the long vacancy of
the Empire, he deemed it well nigh a matter of no
account that he could be king (9).
1. I.e. technically vacant, for Frederick II., who had died
in 1250, was the last Emperor who had been crowned at
Rome (see I. 13, n. 2, and Conv. iv. 3 : 40). But the de
facto vacancy was caused by the death of Albert of Austria,
who had been murdered by his nephew on May 1, 1308.
The struggle between the Blacks and the Whites was now
over, and the only hope remaining to the defeated Whites
was that they might be reinstated in Florence by the power
of the new Emperor. Dino was confident that this would
be achieved, and therefore he now turns his attention away
from Florence ; and from this point till the end of Chap.
XXXVI. occupies himself with the doings of the new Em-
peror, Henry VII. , down to his coronation at Rome, which
was to be the prelude to his chastisement of the Black
Guelfs, the rulers of Florence.
2. Sotto gravi pesi. The same words that Dante uses
[Inf. vi. 71) in reference to the oppression of the Whites by
the Blacks.
3. A similar expression is used by Dante in Inf. i. 124 ;
Par. xxv. 41 ; and the same expression in Conv. iii. 12 : 116.
4. I.e. her true people, the White Guelfs, had well nigh
become Ghibellines (cf. II. 30, 31), for they thought that
the Empire should be the arm of the Church, and not the
French power, with which the Black Guelfs seemed so much
bound up.
5. I.e. during the first years of the Pope's reign, until the
definite establishment of the Papal Court at Avignon (see
III. 18, n. 4), which was outside the dominions of the French
king and belonged to the Count of Provence, namely,
Charles II., King of Naples, who died on May 3, 1309,
shortly after the Pope had fixed his residence at Avignon,
and was succeeded by his son, Robert, Duke of Calabria
(III. 14, at the beginning).
6. Per molte cose rinnovate nelle menti degli uomini.
The phrase is difficult. Del Lungo explains it thus : " He
means to say, that this condition of affairs .... had
changed many ideas and feelings in men's minds, and
218 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
weakened the ancient and traditional reverence for the
Church."
7. He had been present at Clement's coronation (III. 12,
n. 2), and also at the consecration of his own brother to the
Archbishopric of Trier (see below in this chapter), which
was performed by the Pope at Poitiers on March 11, 1308.
8. I.e. the Archbishop of Trier was one of the seven
electors. The election of Henry was brought about to a
great extent through the exertions of another of the ecclesi-
astical electors, the Archbishop of Mainz, who had been
Clement's physician and had received this preferment as a
reward for his services. The French king's candidate was
Charles of Valois.
9. Quasi si reputb niente a potere esser re, i.e. King of
the Romans, the title of the Emperor-elect before his corona-
tion as Emperor. The prestige of the Empire had sunk so
low since the death of Frederick II. that Henry recked little
of the possibility of his being elected.
CHAPTER XXIV
The Emperor comes into Italy, and after making"
peace between Guelfs and Ghibellines in various
cities approaches Milan (end of 1310).
The Cardinal of Prato (1), who had strongly
supported Henry's election, thinking [thereby] to
aid his friends (2) and to chastise his enemies and
adversaries, abandoned all other hopes as being of
little value, and applied himself to the exaltation of
this man, whose election took place on the 16th
of July 1309, and his confirmation by sealed letters
in the same year (3). He, having been elected
and confirmed, crossed the mountains, for he had
sworn and promised to come to be crowned in the
following August (4). and, like a loyal lord, he
intended to keep his oath. In his first council (5)
he was opposed by the Florentines, because at
THE THIRD BOOK 219
their request the Archbishop of Mainz (6) advised
him not to cross [the Alps], for that it was enough
for him to be king of Germany ; representing to
him the great risk and peril of passing into Italy.
Almighty God, who is the guard and guide
of princes, willed that his coming should be for
the casting down and chastisement of the tyrants
throughout Lombardy and Tuscany (7), until
every tyranny should be extinguished. The
Emperor firmly resolved to keep his promise,
being a prince who set great store by his pledged
faith ; and with a few knights he crossed the
mountains through the territory of the Count of
Savoy (8) unarmed, because the country was safe ;
so that he arrived at Asti by the time he had sworn.
And there he assembled troops, and took up arms
and encouraged his knights ; and he came down,
descending from city to city, making peace as
though he had been an angel of God, and re-
ceiving fealty, until he came close to Milan. But
he was much hindered by King Robert, who was
in Lombardy (9).
1. See III. 1.
2. I.e. the White Guelfs and the Ghibellines.
3. Henry's election took place on 27th November 1308
at Frankfort. The election was confirmed by a bull of
Pope Clement V. , dated 26th July 1309.
4. I.e. to come into Italy in August 1310 in order after-
wards to receive from the Church the imperial crown. The
time appointed for the coronation in the bull of confirmation
was 2nd February 1312, but it was subsequently postponed
[cf. III. 36). Henry set out for Italy in the autumn of 1310 ;
he crossed Mont Cenis, and arrived at Susa on 23rd October.
5. I.e. the first council which he held in Germany to
consider the question of his passing into Italy.
6. See III. 23, n. 8.
7. By the "tyrants" are meant the chiefs of the Guelf
party.
220 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
8. Amadeus V. His wife (Mary) and Henry's wife
(Margaret) were daughters of John, Duke of Brabant.
9. See III. 23, n. 5. Robert had been crowned " King
of Sicily and Apulia" (see I. 7, n. 6) by the Pope at
Avignon in June 1309, and had passed through North
Italy on his return from Provence just before Henry's
arrival. Robert and his queen had reached Florence on
10th September 1310. Henry's stay at Asti lasted from
10th November till 12th December in the same year.
CHAPTER XXV
The Emperor on his way through Lombardy
arrives at Milan, the Guelf leaders having
failed to induce him to go to Pavia instead
(December 1310).
The Emperor having arrived at a crossing of two
ways, of which one led to Milan, the other to
Pavia, a noble knight, called M. MafFeo Visconti
(1) of Milan, raised his hand and said: "Sire,
this hand can give thee Milan and take it away :
come to Milan, where my friends are, seeing that
none can take it from us ; if thou goest to Pavia,
thou losest Milan" (2). M. MafFeo had been
for several years outlawed from Milan ; and was
Captain of nearly all Lombardy (3) ; he was clever
and astute rather than faithful. The Captain and
Lord of Milan at that time was M. Guidotto della
Toire, a faithful prince, but not so clever. The
Delia Torre were noblemen and of ancient lineage ;
and as their arms they bore a tower in the half of
the shield on the right side, and on the other side
two griffins (4) crossed ; and they were enemies of
the Visconti.
The Emperor sent or>e of his Marshals to
THE THIRD BOOK 221
Milan, a member of the Delia Torre family (5),
who spoke many friendly words with M. Guidotto,
showing forth to him the Emperor's good will.
But all the same M. Guidotto was suspicious of
his coming, fearing to lose the lordship [of the
city] ; yet he did not think it expedient to make
war in his defence. He had all his mercenaries
dressed in a white uniform with a bright red
stripe (6) ; he caused many bridges at a distance
from the city to be destroyed. The Emperor,
undisturbed in mind, followed the counsel of M.
MafFeo Visconti, and directed his way towards
Milan, leaving Pavia on the right hand.
Count Filippone, the lord of Pavia (7), declared
with a great show of good will that he was waiting
to pay him honour in Pavia. [But] the Emperor,
keeping on his way towards Milan, crossed the
Ticino by fording it, and rode through the
[Milanese] territory without opposition.
The Milanese came to meet him. M. Guidotto,
seeing all the people going to meet him, set out
also himself; and when he was come near him,
he cast down his staff (8), dismounted, and kissed
his foot ; and like a man bewitched he did just
the contrary of what he intended.
1. Maffeo, or Matteo Visconti, was the leader of the
Ghibellines in Milan, and had been driven from that city
by the rival Guelf family of Delia Torre in 1302.
2. The Guelf leaders in Lombardy, who, as well as many
Ghibellines, had visited Henry at Asti, were anxious to pre-
vent him from going to Milan, fearing that he would deprive
Guido (or, as our historian calls him, Guidotto) della Torre
of the lordship of that city.
3. I.e. head of nearly all the Ghibellines of Lombardy.
4. Or rather, lilies.
5. Several members of the Delia Torre family were in the
p
222 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Emperor's camp, and had been reconciled by him to
Matteo Visconti.
6. The Guelf colours. Guido della Torre had refused to
disband the mercenaries in his pay, and to give up "the
palace of the Commonwealth," where he resided, for the
Emperor's use.
7. He was Count of Langosco, and father-in-law to
Guido della Torre.
8. I.e. his staff of office. It was, however, the Podesta of
Milan who went before Guido della Torre, that cast down
the staff.
CHAPTER XXVI
The Emperor's coronation and court at Milan
(Dec. 1310 to Jan. 1311).
[The Emperor] was received in Milan by the people
with great rejoicing, and reconciled M. Guidotto
and M. Maflfeo, together with their followers, and
he did many other noble actions, and [held] several
" parliaments " (1). He also sent several letters
to Germany, having had news that his son had
been crowned King of Bohemia, and had recently
taken a wife (2), of which he was very glad.
By ancient custom the Emperor had to receive
the first crown at Monza (3). For love of the
Milanese, and in order not to turn back, he took
the iron crown, he and his wife, at Milan, in the
Church of S. Ambrose, on the morning of the
Nativity, the 25th day of December 13 10. This
crown was of thin iron, in the form of laurel leaves,
burnished and bright as a sword, and [set] with
many large pearls and other stones.
He kept a great and splendid court at Milan,
and the Empress gave many gifts to his knights on
the morning of the 1st of January 13 10 (4). The
Guelf or the Ghibelline party he would not hear
THE THIRD BOOK 223
mentioned. False report accused him wrongly :
the Ghibellines said : " He will see none but
Guelfs ; " the Guelfs said : " He receives none
but Ghibellines ; " and so they feared one another.
The Guelfs went to him no longer, but the Ghibel-
lines often visited him, because they had greater
need of him, [and] they deemed that for the burdens
they had borne for the Empire, they ought to be in
greater favour with him ; but the Emperor's will
was most just, for each he loved, each he honoured
as his own man (5).
The Cremonese came hither to do fealty in
" parliament " (6) with a sincere mind ; hither
[came] the Genoese also and gave him gifts (7),
and for love of them he ate at a great feast from
a golden bowl. The Count Filippone was at
court; M. Manfredi di Beccheria (8), M. Antonio
of Foscieraco (9), lord of Lodi, and other lords
and barons of Lombardy stood before him. His
life consisted not in playing or in fowling, or amuse-
ments, but in continual councils, appointing his Vicars
in the cities (10), and making peace between those
who were at strife.
1. See below, n. 6.
2. John, the Emperor's eldest son, married Elizabeth,
daughter of Wenceslas IV. , who had been King of Bohemia
from 1278 till 1305.
3. By the " first crown " Dino means the first crown re-
ceived in Italy. Strictly speaking, the " first crown" should
refer to the coronation at Aachen with the silver crown.
Henry had been crowned there on January 6, 1309. The
"iron crown" was by custom bestowed at Milan (not at
Monza, though ambassadors from there tried to persuade
Henry to the contrary). This crown (which is still shown
in the Cathedral of Monza) had been pawned by the Delia
Torre family in 1273, and was not forthcoming for Henry's
coronation. A new one was therefore made, which Dino
describes in this chapter.
224 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
4. 1311 N.S. No less than 170 knights were made on this
occasion, to each of whom a charger and three garments were
given. The latter, very probably, were bestowed by the
Empress.
5. I.e. as vassals of the Emperor, whose rule extends over
the whole world [cf. Dante, Epist. v. 99^i ; vi. 1-25).
6. The official record of this proceeding (Bonaini, Acta
Henrici VII. i. 117) shows what Dino means by a "par-
liament." On Jan. 4, 1311, the "discreet man" Ribaldo
de Avenariis, attended at Milan in " a certain chamber where
the aforesaid king {i.e. the Emperor, King of the Romans)
abode" (see III. 29, n. 5), and on behalf of himself and the
Commonwealth of Cremona swore fealty to the Emperor as
immediate lord of the Commonwealth and its men, and
kissed his feet in the presence of the Archbishop of Trier,
the Emperor's brother Waleran, the Count of Savoy, and
other persons.
7. Observe that the Genoese did not swear fealty to the
Emperor, having been expressly forbidden to do so by their
government. The same remark applies to the Venetians,
who also sent gifts to him.
8. Manfredi di Beccheria was the head of the Ghibellines
of Pavia, as Filippone, Count of Langosco (see preceding
chapter, n. 7), was of the Guelfs.
9. This name should be Fisiraga. The person in question
is called M. Antonio of Fostierato in III. 4. He was the
head of the Guelfs in Lodi.
10. I.e. superseding the Guelf or Ghibelline Podesta by
governors representing himself.
CHAPTER XXVII
Renewal of discord between the Delia Torre and
Visconti families : and between members of the
Delia Torre family. Riot in Milan, which is
quelled by the Emperor's Marshal. Flight of
the Delia Torre. Beginning of the supremacy
of the Visconti (January to April 131 1).
The Milanese had decreed that a gift of money
should be made to the Emperor, and in reference to
the collection of it there were recriminations in the
THE THIRD BOOK 225
council between those within the city and the re-
turned exiles (1). M. Guido had two sons, who
began to repent of all that their father had done (2),
and they listened to the words of the complainers
in their party. The Emperor conceived the idea
of withdrawing some of the most powerful men of
both parties and taking them with him (3) ; and
of placing others under bounds. The sons of
M. Mosca (4) (one of whom was Archbishop [of
Milan]), who were cousins of M. Guidotto, had
become enemies [of the latter] through rivalry [for
power], for which reason he had kept them in
prison ; but the Emperor had procured their release
(5) and had effected a reconciliation. But M.
Guidotto' s sons did not keep the peace ; and one
day, having summoned their friends for the purpose,
they began the feud again, and [the opponents] abused
one another at a council in language which became
so violent that [M. Guidotto's sons]] took up arms
and barricaded themselves in the Guasto of the Delia
Torre family (6). There was a great riot : the
Emperor's Marshal (7) went to the place as well
as M. Galeazzo, son of Maffeo Visconti ; and
M. Maffeo went to the Emperor. The Marshal
attacked the barricade with sixty horsemen, broke it
down, and put the defenders to flight. M. Guidotto
was ill with gout ; he was carried elsewhere : it
was said that he had escaped into the Dauphin's
territory (8). His sons fled to a fortress of theirs
near Como, and twenty miles distant from Milan.
All their stuff was plundered. And so the re-
joicing underwent a change ; but not the Emperor's
love, for he wished to pardon them, but they did
not trust themselves to him. And then M. Maffeo
226 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Visconti began to rise, and the Delia Torre and
their friends to sink. The suspicion increased more
than the hatred (9). The Emperor committed the
city to the care of M. MafFeo, and left there as his
vicar M. Niccolo Salimbene (10) of Siena, a knight
prudent and vigorous, adorned with courteous
manners, stately, and open-handed.
Villani's account (ix. 11) should be compared with this
chapter. There is a good deal of obscurity as to the circum-
stances which led to the expulsion of the family of Delia
Torre from Milan.
1. " Those within the city " are the Delia Torre, the "re-
turned exiles," the Visconti, who had been reinstated by the
Emperor.
2. I.e. his not having resisted the Emperor by force of
arms (see III. 25).
3. I.e. under colour of their forming part of the Emperor's
retinue on his journey to Rome for his coronation.
4. Mosca (=fly)is a nickname. The real name of this
person was Corrado delia Torre. He was first cousin to
Guido (Guidotto).
5. The Archbishop (Cassone della Torre) had been re-
leased by Guidotto before the Emperor's arrival.
6. I.e. at the houses of the Della Torre family. These
houses had been destroyed in days gone by, and the site
had become known as the Guasto {i.e. devastated spot) : a
name by which the place continued to be called after the
houses had been rebuilt.
7. Henry of Flanders.
8. I.e. the dominions of the Count ofVienne, who bore the
title of Dauphin (Dolphin), originally a surname of one of his
predecessors. The territory was purchased by Philip VI. of
France in 1349, who ceded it to Charles, eldest son of John,
Duke of Normandy, his grandson, who took the title of
Dauphin, which afterwards became the established designa-
tion of the eldest son of the King of France. Guido della
Torre reappears below (III. 31).
9. " The hatred had been great before, and could not
become much greater ; but it had been, as it were, put to
sleep by the peace that had been made. But now the op-
ponents resumed their former attitude of enmity (suspicion,
or mistrust)." — Del Lungo.
10. More properly, Bonsignore.
THE THIRD BOOK 227
CHAPTER XXVIII
Cremona, incited by the Florentines, rebels against
the Emperor, and drives out his Vicar. The
Emperor goes to Cremona, and the citizens
again make their submission (131 1, . . . May).
The Enemy, who never sleeps but is always sowing
and reaping, sent discord into the hearts of the
nobles of Cremona so that they were disobedient
(1) ; and two brothers, sons of the Marquis Caval-
cabo, who were lords of the city, and M. Sovra-
monte degli Amati, an able knight (who had been,
as it were, their adversary by reason of rivalry for
power), came to an agreement in this matter (2) ;
and they received letters from the Florentines and
incitements to treason. [And so the Cremonese]]
raised a clamour against the Emperor, and drove out
his Vicar. The Emperor, when he heard this, being
a high-souled man, did not lose his temper, but cited
them to appear : they did not obey, and broke their
faith and their oath to him. The Florentines at
once sent an ambassador thither, so as not to let
the fire go out, and he offered them the help of
troops and money, which the Cremonese accepted ;
and they strengthened the city.
The Emperor rode towards Cremona. The
ambassadors from thence fell at his feet, saying
that they could not endure the burdens laid upon
them, that they were poor, and that they would obey
him, [but]] without a Vicar. As the Emperor did
not reply, they were instructed by secret letters
that if they wished for pardon, they should send
228 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
many of their citizens of good standing to him to
beg for mercy, because the Emperor desired respect.
They sent many of them barefoot, with nothing on
their heads, wearing only their shirts, with their
leather girdles round their necks : and they came
before him to beg for mercy. He did not speak
to them ; but they continued begging for pardon,
he still riding on towards the city. When he
arrived he found the gate open, and went into it :
and here he stood still, put his hand to his sword,
drew it, and received them under it (3). The
great and powerful men who were guilty, and the
noble Florentine knight, M. Rinieri Buondelmonti,
who was Podesta there, departed before the Em-
peror came. This Podesta had been sent thither
to support them against the Emperor. The Em-
peror caused all the powerful citizens remaining
there to be seized, and M. Sovramonte also, who,
either from reasoning too well or from being over-
confident (4), had not fled : and he caused all those
who had gone to him to beg for money to be seized,
and kept them in prison. He reformed the city
(5) ; he relieved them from their sentence (6), and
sent the prisoners to Riminingo (7).
1. I.e. to the Emperor, to whom they had sworn fealty
(III. 26, n. 6).
2. Cremona was a Guelf city, the party being divided
there into two factions, the Magnates under the Cavalcabo,
the popolani under Sovramonte Amati. The two factions
now coalesced in order to throw off the supremacy of the
Emperor.
3. These were solemn ceremonial acts signifying the
absolute right of the Emperor to punish the rebellious city
as he might think fit (cf. next chapter, n. 5).
4. Either he reasoned that, having been less guilty than
the Cavalcab6, he would be less severely punished than
THE THIRD BOOK 229
they, or else he felt so confident in the Emperor's merciful
disposition that he thought he should not be punished
at all.
5. I.e. he reinstated the Ghibelline exiles.
6. I.e. restored the privileges forfeited by their rebellion.
7. A fortress in the neighbourhood of Cremona.
CHAPTER XXIX
The city of Brescia rebels against the Emperor,
who besieges it. After a long siege the city
surrenders to him (1311, . . . October).
The Brescians had carried out the Emperor's com-
mands and received his Vicar ; M. Tibaldo Bruciati
and M. MafFeo di Maggio were each the head of a
party there ; and while he was sojourning at Cre-
mona, M. MafFeo, who had held the city of Brescia
before, in order to obey him resigned the govern-
ment to his pleasure (1). M. Tibaldo (who had
received benefits from the Emperor, for whereas
formerly he had been wandering through Lombardy
in wretchedness and poverty with his followers, he
had now been reinstated by him) betrayed him.
For when the Emperor sent from Cremona for the
knights who were to come to obey him (2), [M.
Tibaldo] sent all those of M. MafFeo's party who
had obeyed (3). When [the Emperor ~\ became
aware of this, he sent for certain by name (4), but
they did not come. He had them summoned [to
appear] within a given time, under a penalty, and
still they did not come. The Emperor, perceiving
their wickedness, came forth from his chamber ( 5 )
with a few [of his Court] at his side, and having
had his sword girt on him, he set his face towards
230 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Brescia, placed his hand on his sword, half drew it
from the sheath, and cursed the city of Brescia.
And he appointed a new Vicar in Cremona (6).
On the 1 2th of May 1311, the Emperor rode
to Brescia with his troops and with a great part of
the Lombards, and counts and lords (7). And he
laid siege to it, because he had been thus advised ;
for [he had been informed J it could not hold out,
because the inhabitants were unprovided with sup-
plies, and they were at the end of their corn, and
" when the Brescians see the camp set up, they will
surrender at once ; but if thou leavest the city alone,
all Lombardy is lost, and all thy opponents will
make their nest there. But this will be a victory
to strike terror into all the rest " (8). He prepared
for the siege; he sent for masons and carpenters,
prepared engines of war and covered mines (9), and.
showed many clear signs of fighting. The city was
very strong and inhabited by brave people, and on
the hilly side of it there was a fort, and the slope
was precipitous (10) : the garrison could not be
deprived of access to this fort. The city was diffi-
cult to take by assault. [The Emperor]] took up
his position here (11) one day, thinking to assault the
city on the side towards Germany, because if that
part of it were taken the city would be conquered.
M. Tibaldo, intending to bring succour, went to
that part, and through the justice of God his horse
stumbled and fell. He was seized and led to the
Emperor, who rejoiced greatly at his capture ; and
having caused him to be tried, he had him drawn
round the city on an ox's hide, and then beheaded,
and his body quartered ; and the others who were
taken he caused to be hanged.
THE THIRD BOOK 231
In like manner those within behaved cruelly to
those without; when they seized one of them, they
placed him on the battlements, in order that he
might be seen ; and there they flayed him, and
showed great wickedness. And if any of those
within were taken, they were hanged by those
without. And thus, with engines of war and cross-
bows, both within and without they fought hard
against one another. The city could not be so
closely invested that spies did not enter it, sent by
the Florentines, who encouraged them with letters
and sent money.
One day M. Galerano (12), the Emperor's brother,
a fine man and of lofty stature, was riding round the
city to observe it, without a helmet on his head [and]
wearing a bright red doublet ; he was hit on the
neck by an arrow, so that he only lived a few days.
They robed him after the manner of princes, and
he was carried to Verona, where he was honoured
with burial.
Many counts, knights, and barons, Germans and
Lombards, died at Brescia. Very many fell sick
there, because the siege lasted until the 18th of
September.
On the 1 8th of September 1 3 1 1 (13) (because
the position of the camp was inconvenient, the heat
great, the supplies brought from a distance, and the
knights delicately nurtured ; and within the city very
many of the people were dying of hunger and hard-
ship, owing to the watch they were obliged to keep
and to their great anxieties), through the mediation
of three Cardinals who had been sent from the Pope
to the Emperor — who were Messer of Ostia, Messer
of Albano, and Messer dal Fiesco (14) — an agree-
232 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
ment was effected between the Emperor and the
Brescians that they should give up the city to him,
their goods and their persons being spared. And
they surrendered to the said Cardinals.
The Emperor entered the city, and kept the
terms that had been made with them. He caused
the walls to be destroyed, and placed some of the
Brescians under bounds ; and he left the siege with
far fewer of his knights, for they had died there,
while many had turned back sick.
i. The Maggi were the heads of the Ghibelline party ;
the Bruciati, or Brusati, of the Guelf party. Under the rule
of the Maggi, Tibaldo and the rest of his party had been in
exile ; but the Emperor, in accordance with his design to
make peace in all the Italian cities, had reinstated theGuelfs
in Brescia, deprived the Ghibellines of the government, and
placed both parties alike under the rule of his own Vicar.
2. I.e. when the Emperor made from Cremona the same
demand on Brescia for reinforcements that he had made on
other cities in Lombardy.
3. The meaning of this is, that Tibaldo Bruciati con-
trived that the only knights sent to the Emperor should be
those who were followers of Maffeo Maggi {i.e. Ghibellines),
and had with their leader already submitted to the Emperor
(as stated in the first sentence of the chapter). The conse-
quence was that the city of Brescia remained at the mercy
of Tibaldo and the Guelfs.
4. I.e. certain of the followers of Tibaldo.
5. The word " chamber " was used in a special sense of
the imperial residence (cf. III. 26, n. 6). As to the cere-
monial acts here mentioned cf. previous chapter, n. 3.
6. The new Vicar was Galeazzo, son of Maffeo Visconti
{cf. III. 27, near the end).
7. I.e. in addition to his German troops the Emperor
was followed by the forces of many cities in Lombardy and
by various Italian Magnates.
8. Cf. the Vllth Epistle of Dante, who there urges Henry
to hasten to Tuscany.
9. Cave e coverte, lit. excavations and coverings. The
exact nature of the works is uncertain.
10. The reference is to the high ground at the north-east
corner of the city.
THE THIRD BOOK 233
n. I.e. on the north-east side ; which Dino immediately
afterwards calls " the side towards Germany."
12. The Italian form of Waleran.
13. This sentence is clumsily put together. The paren-
thesis which follows contains a statement, first from the
point of view of the besiegers, next from that of the be-
sieged, of the causes which led them to desire to bring the
struggle to a close.
14. Messer of Ostia was the Cardinal of Prato (III. i,
n. 5) ; Messer of Albano was Leonardo Patrasso of Guer-
cino, Bishop of Albano, uncle of Boniface VIII. ; Messer dal
Fiesco was Luca Fieschi, of the family of the Counts of
Lavagna {cf. II. 35, n. 9). These and two other Cardinals,
Arnaut Fauger, Bishop of Sabina (a Gascon), and Francesco
Orsini (mentioned above, II. 35), had been deputed by the
Pope to officiate at the Emperor's coronation, and to bear
him company to Rome, that he might have an angelic escort,
like the young Tobias, as Clement expresses himself in the
Bull appointing them (Bonaini, i. 187).
CHAPTER XXX
The Emperor proceeds to Pavia, and to Genoa,
where he is received with great honour, and
the lordship of the city is conferred on him.
Death of the Empress (October to December
13")-
The Emperor departed from Brescia and went
on to Pavia, on account of a quarrel which had
arisen between those of the House of Beccheria
and M. Riccardino, son of Count Filippone (1),
because the Bishop of Pavia had died, and each
wished for the new appointment (2). And so
great was the strife that those of the House of
Beccheria slew four of their adversaries. The
Vicar (3), together with M. Riccardino, fought
with those of the House of Beccheria so that they
drove them out of the city, and took from them
their fortresses outside it.
234 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Thinking he had lost much time [already], the
Emperor rode towards Genoa, which was held by
M. Branca d'Oria (4), where he arrived on the
2 1 st of October 131 1, and M. Branca d'Oria (4)
received him honourably and swore obedience to him.
M. Obizzino Spinola, the leader of the other fac-
tion (who had been outlawed), came to meet him,
and honoured him with much reverence. Wise men
thought that it was the quarrel between the two fac-
tions that caused so much honour to be paid him,
because they acted as they did out of rivalry. But
the Genoese are by nature very haughty and proud,
and quarrelsome among themselves, so much so
that the old King Charles was never able to
make peace among them (5). And, on account
of their pride, it was never believed that they would
even give the Emperor passage, much less receive
him as their lord (6). " For the citizens " [it was
said] " are resentful, their coast is mountainous ; the
Germans are free with the women, the Genoese
are jealous of them : there will be fighting."
[But] God, who rules and governs princes and
peoples, instructed them, and they bowed their
wills, prudently, like noble men, and honoured the
Emperor, and kept him in their city several months.
During this time Death, who spares none nor [delays
his coming] for long, by the will of God parted from
the world the noble Empress, a lady of the highest
renown for a life virtuous even to sanctity, a
servant of Christ's poor. She was buried with
great honour on the 12th of November in the
principal church of Genoa (7).
1. See III. 25, n. 7 ; III. 26, n. 8.
2. I.e. each side wanted the new Bishop to be a member
THE THIRD BOOK 235
of their own family, or, at least, to be a man amenable to
their influence.
3. I.e. the Vicar whom Henry had put there (see next
chapter, n. 7).
4. For Branca d'Oria (whom Dante has rendered in-
famous in I?ifer~no xxxiii. 137 ff.), the name of his son
Barnabas d'Oria should be substituted here and below.
This man, and his rival, Obizzino Spinola, mentioned just
below, were both Ghibellines.
5. Dino here insinuates that factious rivalry was no new
thing in Genoa, and would therefore not be enough to
account for the honour paid by both parties to the Emperor ;
moreover, this independent spirit of the Genoese would
naturally, as in the time of Charles I. of Anjou, revolt
against submission to any external authority. He is leading
up to the statement in the next paragraph, that the sub-
mission of the city was due to the direct interposition of
God.
6. On November 1, 131 1, Henry was appointed Lord of
Genoa for twenty years, with the right of appointing a
vicar to rule there.
7. The Empress (see III. 24, n. 8) died on December
14, and was buried in the Church of S. Francesco di
Castelletto, which was demolished at the beginning of the
nineteenth century.
CHAPTER XXXI
Ghiberto of Correggio, bribed by the Florentines,
rebels against the Emperor and overthrows
his authority in Parma, Reggio, and Cremona.
The Emperor's work of pacification in Lora-
bardy undone (October 131 1 to January 1312).
The Florentines showed themselves altogether
hostile towards him (the Emperor) by bringing
about the rebellion of the cities of Lombardy.
By money and by promises in letters they cor-
rupted M. Ghiberto, lord of Parma (1), and gave
him 15,000 florins in order that he might betray
236 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the Emperor and raise the city in revolt against
him.
Ah ! how much evil did this knight set himself
to do, who had received great favours from him
(the Emperor) in so short a time. For the
Emperor had given him the fine fortress of San
Donnino ; and another fortress which was on
the river Po, the Emperor had taken from the
Cremonese and given to him (2). And he had
given the fair city of Reggio into his charge (3),
believing him to be a faithful and loyal knight.
This man, in arms, in the Piazza of Parma,
cried " Death to the Emperor ! " and drove out
his Vicar from the city, and welcomed the enemy
(4). He sheltered himself under false words,
saying that he did not do it for money, but because
the Emperor had reinstated the Marquis Palla-
vicino in Cremona, whom M. Ghiberto held as
his enemy.
The Florentines oppressed their poor citizens,
taking their money from them to spend it on such
merchandise as this. And they wrought so effec-
tually that M. Ghiberto reinstated the Emperor's
enemies in Cremona ; for he maintained them and
gave them support on the bank of the Po ; and one
day in order to help [them and] the Brescians (5),
he marched with them at the head of about 100
horsemen, against M. Galeazzo, who was in charge
of Cremona (6), and they entered that city, and so
many joined their side that few were left who
were faithful to the Emperor, and these had to
evacuate the city. M. Guidotto della Torre (6)
rode thither with knights gathered from Tuscany.
They fortified the city wiih ditches and palisades.
THE THIRD BOOK 237
Count Filippone, with wrathful mind, was opposing
the Emperor (7), and was aiming at a matrimonial
connection, a conspiracy, and a league with M.
Ghiberto (8). The exiles from Brescia (9) united
with him : for what the Emperor's clemency had
pardoned, God had not pardoned, inasmuch as
M. Tibaldo Bruciati's party, after having received
pardon from the Emperor, had tried once more to
take the city from him ; and therefore the other
party, receiving succour sooner (10), had driven
him, with their weapons in their hands, from
Brescia and the Contado.
Ah ! how greatly did wickedness multiply
among the Lombards within a short time — the
wickedness of slaying one another, and breaking
the oath they had sworn ! (n).
1. Already mentioned in III. 16. He was one of the
knights made by Henry at his coronation at Milan
(III. 26).
2. This fortress was Guastalla. It had been taken from
the Cremoneseby Ghiberto in 1307, recaptured by them in
131 1, and restored to Ghiberto by the Emperor as an
hereditary fief after the submission of Cremona (III. 28) in
that same year. On the other hand, the statement that the
Emperor bestowed Borgo San Donnino on Ghiberto is
incorrect.
3. I.e. he had made Ghiberto Imperial Vicar there.
4. The rebellion of Parma, and the expulsion of the Vicar
whom Henry had placed there, occurred on Dec. 6, 131 1.
5. The words "the Emperor's enemies" refer specially
to the fugitives from Cremona (see III. 28). They occupied
strong positions on the left bank of the Po at Casalmaggiore
and Viandana. The former of these places is about twenty-
two miles and the latter about thirty miles S.E. of Cremona,
which is also on the left bank of the river. The Brescians
(who are also included in the words "the Emperor's
enemies") are the faction of Tibaldo Bruciati, who had
been driven from the city in the circumstances stated
farther on in this chapter.
6. See III. 27. Guido della Torre died in this same
Q
238 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
year at Cremona, while engaged in his opposition to the
Emperor.
7. After the Emperor's failure to make peace in Pa via,
which was touched on in III. 30 (q.v.), Filippone, Count
of Langosco, and his faction had rebelled against the Im-
perial Vicar, Philip of Savoy (who had replaced Fiamengo
di Lando, the Vicar mentioned in that passage).
8. Filippone did, in fact, in 1312 marry, as his third wife,
Helen, daughter of Ghiberto of Correggio.
9. I.e. the faction of Tibaldo Bruciati {cf. above, n. 5).
10. The faction of the Maggi, now headed by Federigo
Maggi, Bishop of Brescia, anticipating the revolt of their
rivals, had gathered round them the Ghibelline forces of the
neighbourhood.
11. I.e. they had sworn fealty to the Emperor, and
pledged themselves to live at peace together under the rule
of his Vicars.
CHAPTER XXXII
Dino describes the intrigues of the Florentines to
thwart the Emperor, and starting" with the
year 1312 (the point which his narrative has
now reached), works backwards to 131 1 and
1310, describing particularly the dealings of
the Florentine Government with Cardinal
Pelagrii in 1310.
The Florentines who were in Florence (1), full of
apprehension and fear, busied themselves about
nothing else but corrupting the rulers of different
places with promises and with money which they
drew from the miserable citizens, who allowed it
to be taken from them little by little in order to
preserve [their] liberty (2). Much of it they
spent in wicked works. Their lives were wholly
taken up by such-like proceedings.
The Signory appointed secret agents (3):
among these was one Friar Bartolomeo, son
THE THIRD BOOK 239
of a money-changer, an astute man, who had so-
journed in England, and in his youth had received
a good education, and was of subtle wit. They
sent him to Court to work on the Pope and the
Cardinals. And with letters borne by M. Baldo
Fini of Fighine they worked on the King of
France, to whom the Cardinal of Ostia (4) said :
" What wondrous impudence is this of the Floren-
tines, who with their ten nits are saucy enough to
set all the princes agog ! "
To the Pope they sent two ambassadors, who
were M. Pino de' Rossi and M. Gherardo Bostichi,
two able knights (5) ; much money was extracted
from them, and much of it was wasted, and they
did not get anything they wanted from the Pope.
The Cardinal Pelagru, a native of Gascony,
nephew of the Pope, was sent as Legate to Bologna,
because on the death of the Marquis of Ferrara (6)
the city was held by a bastard son of his, who,
being unable to retain it, bargained with the
Venetians and sold it to them. The Venetians
came there and took and held it by force. M.
Francesco of Este, brother of the Marquis, to-
gether with the Bolognese and M. Orso degli
Orsini of Rome, joined forces with the Church.
The Cardinal went to Ferrara, and was not obeyed
by the Venetians. He therefore instituted process
of excommunication against them and condemned
them ; he proclaimed a crusade against them ; and
many people from various places went against them
for the sake of the pardon (7) and to receive the
pay. The Venetians held a fortress in Ferrara,
which the Marquis had made very strong in the
manner of a keep (8) ; the Venetians (9) came
240 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
thither by water and were discomfited, and very
many of them were taken prisoners and slain.
This was a disaster for them, for they were de-
feated very disgracefully, because the nobles who
were there abandoned them (10).
Cardinal Pelagru came to Florence, and was
received with very great honour. The Carroccio
(n) and the lancers (12) went to meet him
as far as the hospital of San Gallo (13); the
clergy went in procession, and the great popolani
of that party (14) went on foot and on horseback
to do him honour.
He arrived in Florence, and the Florentines
consulted much with him, and took care to inform
him how they were practising with the Pope so
that he might delay the Emperor's coming (15);
and they begged him to keep the Pope up to the
mark ; and so he promised to do. They gave
him money, which he willingly accepted, and
therewith paid the expenses of his legation ; and
having come to an understanding with them, he
left Florence.
The Cardinal [then] went to the Emperor ; but
as the latter knew of the parleyings the Cardinal
had had with the Florentines, he did not show
him much good will. He returned to the Pope,
and the Pope, when the Cardinal had urged him
in accordance with the Florentines' request, kept
them in expectation, so that he extracted large
sums of money from them. Now the motive of
the Florentines' action was to wear the Emperor
out.
1. I.e. the Black Guelfs, who had control of the govern-
ment, as distinguished from the exiles.
THE THIRD BOOK 241
2. The point of view of these " miserable citizens " was the
exact contrary of that of Dante set forth in Efiist. v. 102
and vi. 30 and 92. In the latter passage, addressing the
" most infamous Florentines within the city," he says :
' ' Where ye think to defend the corridor of false liberty,
there shall ye fall into the dungeons of true slavery."
3. I.e. unofficial agents, to be distinguished from the
" ambassadors" mentioned afterwards.
4. I.e. the Cardinal of Prato (as in III. 29). The anec-
dote and the intrigues of the Florentines which gave rise to
it are probably to be referred to the first half of 131 1.
5. The date of this Embassy was Nov. 1310. See III. 33.
6. See II. 32, n. 1 ; III. 16. Azzo VIII. died January
31, 1308. Dino, before proceeding to speak of the visit
of this Legate to Florence in August 1310, here refers to the
original cause of his having been sent into Italy. The
" bastard son" of the Marquis here mentioned was named
Fresco, to whose legitimate son Folco the Marquis had
bequeathed the lordship of Ferrara.
7. Cf. III. 6, near the beginning.
8. Aguisad'uno cassero. The " cassero " was the strongest
and most elevated part of a castle, and in the form of a
rectangular or round tower. The name of this fortress was
Castel Tedaldo ; it was at the head of a bridge across the
Po, and was destroyed in 1598. Dino's words appear to
mean that the " keep" had been added to it by Azzo VIII.
9. I.e. reinforcements from Venice which came up the Po.
10. This statement as to the misbehaviour of the Venetian
nobles appears to be unfounded. The defeat of the Vene-
tians by the allied forces under the Cardinal Legate occurred
on August 28, 1309.
11. The Carroccio was a chariot on four wheels drawn
by a pair of oxen and bearing the standard of the Common-
wealth, and was in ancient times taken into battle and
guarded by the bravest of the popolani. Its use in war had
been given up at the time of which Dino is writing (see
Villani, vi. 75).
12. Armeggiatori (see I. 7, n. 7).
13. See III. 10, n. 7.
14. I.e. the Black Guelfs.
15. Bear in mind that Dino has now worked back to
August 1310, before the Emperor had set out for Italy
(see III. 24).
242 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XXXIII
Deaths of the Cardinal of Albano, the Bishop of
Liege, M. Pino de' Rossi, and M. Gherardo
Bostichi (1311, 1312).
Of three cardinals whom the Pope had sent to the
Emperor while he was besieging Brescia, one died,
namely, the Cardinal of Albano, who came to Lucca
sick and died there (1). The Bishop of Liege, a
great friend of the Emperor, also died while in his
service (2). He had given the Bishop Reggiolo,
which is between Reggio and Mantua, but the
Mantuans afterwards took it from the man to whom
it had been entrusted (3).
The two Florentine ambassadors who were at
court (4) died there, M. Pino de' Rossi dying first ;
and in recognition of his exertions, two of his
kinsmen and relations were knighted by the people
(5), and much money was given them out of what
was being taken from the Ghibellines and the
Whites : for although the Whites retained some
marks of the Guelf party (6), they were treated by
them (the Blacks) as bitter enemies. Afterwards
died M. Gherardo, but his kinsmen were honoured
neither by knighthood nor by money, because he
had not been so faithful as the other.
1. See III. 29, n. 14. The Cardinal of Albano died on
December 6, 1311.
2. This bishop was one of the Emperor's chief barons.
He was taken prisoner in May 1312 at Rome in a battle
between the Emperor's forces and those of King Robert of
Naples, and as he was being carried off was wounded by a
Catalan, and died soon after (see Villani, ix. 43, and below,
III. 36, n. 9).
THE THIRD BOOK 243
3. I.e. by the Bishop.
4. See III. 32, n. 5. Pino de' Rossi died in March 1311,
his colleague probably later in the same year.
5. I.e. by the Commonwealth (see I. 8, n. 6).
6. Cf. II. 30, 31.
CHAPTER XXXIV
Political condition of Tuscany during the Emperor's
advance. Guelf league against him. He sends
ambassadors into Tuscany (1311, 1310).
The Florentines, blinded by their presumption, put
themselves in opposition to the Emperor, not like
prudent but like presumptuous warriors, being in
league with the Bolognese, the Sienese, the Lucchese,
the Volterrans, the citizens of Prato, the Colligiani
(1), and with the other fortresses (sic) belonging to
their party. The Pistojans, poor and exhausted,
afflicted and ruined by war, did not hold with them
altogether, not because they were not of one mind
[with them], but because [the Florentines] had been
wont to appoint Podesta there with such high
salaries that they could not support the payments (2).
They would therefore not have been able to pay
their quota (3), since they were paying 48,000
florins a year to the Marshal and his men (4).
And they kept this force with them so that the
Florentines might not come into the city. The
Lucchese always kept ambassadors at the Emperor's
court, and sometimes they said that they would
obey him if he would grant them letters [declaring]
that they might retain as their own the lands they
held which belonged to the Empire (5), and that
244 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
he would not reinstate their exiles (6). The
Emperor made no agreement with them nor with
others; but he sent M. Louis of Savoy (7) and
other ambassadors into Tuscany, who were honour-
ably received by the Lucchese and presented with
pieces of taffeta and other things. The citizens
of Prato and all the other cities presented him with
splendid gifts, excusing themselves [from swearing
fealty to him on the ground that] they were in
league with the Florentines.
Siena played the harlot (8), for throughout this
war she did not bar the enemy's passage, nor yet
altogether depart from the will of the Florentines.
The Bolognese held firmly to the Florentines
against the Emperor, because they greatly feared
him ; they fortified themselves strongly, and set up
palisades round the city. It was said that they
had no defence against him because the Church
had given him passage (9) ; however, since it
seemed to him that that was a difficult way by
which to enter Tuscany, he did not go by it.
It was said that the Marquises Malespini wanted
to make him come through Lunigiana (10), and had
the roads prepared, and widened in the narrow
places. If he had gone by that way, he would
have entered amongst faithless vassals ; but God
instructed him,
1. See I, 9, n. 5. The league here spoken of had begun
to be discussed in November 1310, when the Emperor had
just entered Italy, and was formed early in 131 1 (Bonaini,
ii. 3, 4, 17).
2. After the surrender of Pistoja (III. 15) the offices of
Captain and Podesta were filled one by a Florentine, the
other by a Lucchese.
3. Taglia, i.e. their contribution towards the support of
the forces of the league [cf. II. 32, n. 5).
THE THIRD BOOK 245
4. In 1309 the Pistojans had surrendered their city to
King Robert of Naples, who appointed a Vicar to rule in
his name. Diego de la Rat continued to hold the office of
Marshal that he had held under King Robert's father,
Charles the Lame (see III. 19, n. 5).
5. I.e. estates and fortresses which had formerly been
held by vassals of the Empire but over which the Common-
wealth had extended its jurisdiction (see I. i, n. 5).
6. I.e. the Ghibelline exiles, in accordance with the
Emperor's policy of pacification.
7. Louis of Savoy was nephew of the Emperor's brother-
in-law, Amedeus V. (see III. 24, n. 8). The embassy in
question was sent in the summer of 1310.
8. Cf. II. 28, n. 9.
9. I.e. they could not have resisted him without rebelling
against the Church, under whose supremacy Romagna was.
King Robert was the Pope's Vicar in Romagna.
10. Dino, in preparation for the resumption in the next
chapter of his narrative of the Emperor's journey to Rome,
here goes back to consider Henry's position after the end
of the siege of Brescia (see III. 29), and intimates that he
hesitated between entering Tuscany by the road from
Bologna to Florence and entering it by the valley of the
Magra or Macra, which was known as Lunigiana and was
under the dominion of the family of Malaspina (or, as Dino
calls them, Malespini), some of whom were Guelfs and
others Ghibellines. In the end Henry took a third alter-
native and went (as we have seen) by Pavia to Genoa (III.
30), and, as we shall see at the beginning of the next chapter,
from Genoa to Pisa by sea.
CHAPTER XXXV
The Emperor arrives at Pisa and is received there
with great rejoicing- (March 6, 1312). The
Florentines refuse to send ambassadors to him
there. Account of the Florentines' reception of the
Emperor's ambassador, Louis of Savoy, in 1310.
The Emperor went to Genoa in order to get to
Pisa, a city devoted heart and soul to the imperial
246 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
cause, which hoped more from his coming than any
other city, which had sent him 70,000 florins when
he was in Lombard y, and had promised him 70,000
when he should arrive in Tuscany, thinking to
recover her fortresses ( 1 ) and to rule over her
adversaries. This [is the city] which presented
him with the splendid sword as a token of love ;
which rejoiced and was glad at his prosperity ;
which was often threatened on his account ; which
has always been an open door (2) for him and
for the new princes who have come into Tuscany
by sea or by land to assist their party ( 3 ) ; which
is carefully watched by Florentines, when [its
citizens] rejoice over the prosperity of the Empire.
The Emperor arrived at Pisa on the 6th of
March 131 1 (4) with 30 galleys, where he was
received with great rejoicing and gladness, and
honoured as their lord. The Florentines did not
send ambassadors thither because the citizens were
not at peace [with him] ; once they had chosen
ambassadors to send to him and then they did not
send them (5), trusting more to simony and to cor-
rupting the Court of Rome than to making terms
with him.
M. Louis of Savoy [who had been] sent as
ambassador into Tuscany by the Emperor, came
to Florence (6), and was little honoured by the
noble citizens, who did the contrary of what they
ought. He demanded that an ambassador should
be sent to do honour and promise obedience to the
Emperor as their lord. Their answer, given by
M. Betto Brunelleschi on behalf of the Signory,
was " that never to any lord had the Florentines
lowered their horns" (7). And they sent no
THE THIRD BOOK 247
ambassador to him (8), though they would have
obtained the most favourable terms from him,
because the Guelfs of Tuscany were the greatest
obstacle he met with.
When the ambassador departed (9) he returned
to Pisa. And the Florentines caused a fort to be
built at Arezzo and began the war again there (10).
They showed themselves altogether hostile to the
Emperor, saying that he was a cruel tyrant, that he
joined himself to the Ghibellines and would not
look at the Guelfs. And in their official docu-
ments they used the words "for the honour of
Holy Church and the death of the King of
Germany " (n). They removed the Eagles
from their gates and from any places where they
were carved or painted, imposing punishment on
any who should paint them, or should not obliterate
them when painted.
1. Fortresses surrendered to Florence and Lucca in 1285
by Count Ugolino della Gherardesca (then ruler of Pisa),
after the defeat of the Pisans by the Genoese at the battle
of La Meloria in 1284, and the subsequent alliance between
the Genoese and the League of Guelf cities in Tuscany
against Pisa [cf. Inf. xxxiii. 85, 86 n.).
2. Diritta porta.
3. Dino here passes from the Emperor Henry VII. in
particular to refer to his predecessors. "New princes"
seems to mean " princes from foreign lands."
4. 1312 N.S.
5. Dino makes a rapid transition back to 1310, and he
seems to be referring to the refusal of the Florentine govern-
ment in that year to send ambassadors, after having already
appointed them, to Henry at Lausanne before he crossed
the Alps, as stated by Villani, ix. 7 ; since they seem to have
had ambassadors at his court at the end of that year. See
Bonaini, ii. 6, 7 ; and Bullettino della Societa Dantesca
Italiana, x. 136 n.
6. See preceding chapter, n. 7. Louis arrived at Florence
on July 3, 1310.
248 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
7. See Dante, Epist. vii. 155-157. Cf. Villani, viii. 120.
8. I.e. before his arrival in Italy. See n. 5 to this
chapter.
9. I.e. Louis of Savoy (above n. 6 to this chapter).
10. The allusion is to the refusal of the Florentines, at
the bidding of Louis of Savoy and his colleagues in the
embassy, to raise the siege of Arezzo, on which they were
engaged in June and July 1310 (see Villani, viii. 118-120).
When at length, at the end of July, the army returned to
Florence they left a garrison in a fort they had built near
Arezzo (as stated by Dino), who "made much war" against
the city.
ii. Dino now returns to the year 1312. The following
quotation from a letter written on Aug. 10 in that year by
the Florentine government to King Robert (Bonaini, ii. 136)
illustrates what Dino here says of their language in their
"public documents" [bajidi). They entreat the king to
deign ' ' to come with the army you have repeatedly
promised to Rome without delay, for the exaltation of your-
self and your posterity, the safety of all who are devoted to
you, and the confusion and death of the King of Germany,
his favourers and accomplices, the inveterate rebels against
and persecutors of the Holy Church of God."
CHAPTER XXXVI
The Emperor proceeds to Rome, and, in consequence
of the undisguised and persistent opposition
of the Florentines, abandons his attitude of
impartiality and identifies himself with the
Ghibellines. His coronation (1312).
The Emperor, mocked by the Florentines, departed
from Pisa and went to Rome, where he arrived on
the 7th of May 13 12, and was honourably received
as lord (1) and put into the Senator's place (2).
Hearing of the wrongs which the Guelfs of
Tuscany had done him, and finding that the
THE THIRD BOOK 249
Ghibellines who attached themselves to him were
well disposed, he changed his purpose and attached
himself to them ; turning towards them [alone] the
love and kindness he had at first given to the
Guelfs [also]. And he resolved to help them, and
to reinstate them, but to hold the Guelfs and the
Blacks as enemies and persecute them.
The Florentines had always kept ambassadors at
the court of King Robert, begging him to attack
the Emperor with his troops, promising and giving
him much money (3).
King Robert, like a wise (4) prince and a friend
of the Florentines, promised to help them (5) and
did so ; while to the Emperor he made a pretence
of urging and admonishing the Florentines to be
obedient to him, as their lord. And when he
heard that the Emperor was at Rome, he sent
his brother M. John thither at once with 300
horsemen (6), feigning to send him for his (the
Emperor's) defence and for the honour of his
crown ; but King Robert sent him in order that
he might come to an understanding with the Orsini,
the Emperor's enemies, corrupt the Senate (7), and
hinder his coronation ; and truly he (King Robert)
knew what he was about.
Feigning great love to the Emperor, the king
sent him his ambassadors to congratulate him on
his coming, making him splendid offers, soliciting a
matrimonial alliance (8), [and saying] that he was
sending his brother to honour his coronation and to
help him if needful.
The most wise Emperor answered him with his
own mouth : " The King's offers are late, and
M. John's coming is too early." The Emperor's
250 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
answer was wise, for he well understood the cause
of his coming.
On the ist of August 13 12, Henry, Count of
Luxemburg, Emperor and King of the Romans,
was crowned at Rome in the church of San
Giovanni Laterano by M. Nicholas, Cardinal of
Prato, and by M. Luca dal Fiesco, Cardinal of
Genoa, and by M. Arnaldo Pelagru, a Gascon
Cardinal, by licence and mandate of Pope Clement
V. and of his Cardinals (9).
1. I.e. by the Colonna and the Ghibellines [cf. below,
n. 9).
2. I.e. the Senator (see below, n. 7), Louis of Savoy (III.
34, n. 7 ; 35), surrendered his jurisdiction to the Emperor.
3. This applies not only to the present year, 1312, but to
the years preceding.
4. He was surnamed "the Wise." Villani (xii. 10) says
that " he was the wisest king that has been among
Christians for the last 500 years, both as to natural wit and
as to learning, a great master in theology, and a supreme
philosopher."
5. There is probably a special reference here to King
Robert's visit to Florence in Sept. 1310 (see III. 24, n. 9),
6. This is inaccurate. John of Anjou, Prince of Taranto,
had been sent by King Robert to Rome with an army, at
the instance of the Florentines (Bonaini, ii. 92), before the
Emperor reached Pisa ; and the Florentines also sent a
paid contingent to support him.
7. This statement is puzzling, since the mediaeval Senate
of Rome, which had been set on foot in 1144 as the result
of a rising of the people against the nobles, had ever since
1 198 been reduced to a single Senator (or sometimes two),
whose office resembled that of the Podesta in other Italian
cities. A sort of popolano government, consisting of a body
of thirteen " elders " and a captain, had been set up in 1305,
but as a matter of fact the city had been in a state of utter con-
fusion and anarchy for some years before Henry's corona-
tion ; and had been the scene of constant fighting between
the Colonna and the Orsini factions.
8. It is impossible to reconcile Dino's statements in this
sentence with the facts. So far from making a show of
THE THIRD BOOK 251
friendship, King Robert's forces under Prince John were
offering a vigorous resistance to Henry (see next note). In
March 1312 Henry had sent ambassadors to Robert to
continue negotiations already begun concerning a marriage
between his daughter Beatrice and Robert's son Charles,
Duke of Calabria, and to propose an arrangement in refer-
ence to Henry's coronation and the affairs of Lombardy
and Tuscany. But these negotiations had no result, and
Henry's ambassadors returned to him soon after his arrival
at Rome. Perhaps some insulting message King Robert
sent back by them may have been the foundation of Dino's
anecdote.
9. The day of the coronation was June 29. The western
and most populous part of the city, including St. Peter's,
where the coronation should have been performed, was in
the hands of the Orsini and the forces of Prince John,
and was strongly fortified. Desperate but unavailing
attempts were made by the Imperialists to dislodge their
enemies, and at length, after the struggle had continued for
about a month, it was settled that the ceremony should be
held in St. John Lateran. The principal officiating prelate
was the Cardinal of Sabina, Amaut Fauger (see III. 29,
n. 14), whom Dino confounds with Cardinal Arnaut
Pelagru, who was not present.
CHAPTER XXXVII
Dino, having brought his narrative to an end by the
coronation of Henry VII. as Emperor, sets
forth in this and the next four chapters the
execution of God's judgments against the
leaders of the Black faction.
How doth the justice of God cause His Majesty
to be praised, when by new miracles He shows to
humble folk that He is not unmindful of their
wrongs ! Great peace does it bring to the minds
of those who receive wrongs from the powerful,
when they see that God remembers them. And
how openly God's acts of vengeance are known
252 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
when He has delayed and suffered long ! But
when He delays it is for heavier punishment ;
though many believe that He has forgotten.
There were four leaders in this faction of the
Blacks (i), that is to say, M. Rosso della Tosa,
M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, M. Betto Brunelleschi,
and M. Geri Spini. Afterwards two more were
added to them, that is to say, M. Teghiajo Fresco-
baldi, and M. Gherardo Ventraia, a man of little
sincerity (2).
These six knights compelled Folcieri, Podesta
of Florence, to behead Masino Cavalcanti and one
of the Gherardini (3). These caused the Priors
and the other officials within and without [the
city] to be elected as they pleased. These re-
leased and condemned whom they would, gave
authoritative opinions (4), and rendered services
and disservices as they chose.
1. I.e. after the death of Corso Donati.
2. See I. 22, n. 6.
3. See II. 29.
4. Davano le risposte. Cf. III. 19, where the same phrase
is used in reference to the first four of these ringleaders of
the Black faction.
CHAPTER XXXVIII
Character and death of M. Rosso della Tosa.
Career of his sons.
M. Rosso della Tosa was an ambitious knight,
the leader in the Florentines' quarrels, the enemy
of the people, the friend of tyrants. This was he
who sundered the entire Guelf party of Florence
THE THIRD BOOK 253
into Whites and Blacks (1); this was he who
kindled the discords among the citizens ; this was
he who by his activity, by making treaties and
promises (2), held the rest under him. He was
very loyal to the Black party, and persecuted the
Whites. On him the surrounding cities of the
Black party relied, and with him they made
agreements.
This man — having long been awaited by God,
seeing that he was more than seventy-five years
old — was walking one day, [when] a dog ran
between his feet and threw him down, so that he
broke his knee, and a fistula formed in it ; and
while the doctors were torturing him, he died in
convulsions (3). And he was buried with great
honour, as was fitting for a great citizen.
He left two sons, Simone and Gottifredi, who
were knighted by the party (4), and with them
was knighted a young kinsman of theirs called
Pinuccio, and much money was given them. And
they were known as the " knights of the spinning-
wheel, " because the money which was given them
was taken from the poor women who spun at a
spinning-wheel.
These two knights, his sons, attempting to live
in great state in order to be honoured (for they
thought that the deeds of their father demanded
this), began to decay, while M. Pino began to
prosper, and in a short time made himself great (5).
1. I.e. he was one of those who did most to cause and
keep on foot the division of the Guelf party.
2. The "treaties" refer to his negotiations with other
cities ; the " promises," to pledges given to members of his
own faction in Florence.
R
254 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
3. He died in July 1309.
4. I.e. by the authority of the organisation known as the
Guelf party in its narrower sense (see I. 3, n. 2). Gottifredi
= Godfrey.
5. There is an interesting connection between Pino della
Tosa and Dante, for it was he, together with Ostasio of
Polenta, by whose influence the Cardinal Legate Beltrando
of Poggetto was dissuaded from his infamous purpose of
burning the bones of Dante in 1329 (Wicksteed's "Early
Lives of Dante," p. 98 ; Ricci, Uulthno riftigio di Da?ite,
pp. 187-192 ; Zenatti, Dante e Firenze, p. 188). Pino
della Tosa was in that year ambassador from Florence to
Bologna.
CHAPTER XXXIX
Character of M. Betto Brunelleschi.
His death (March 131 1).
M. Betto Brunelleschi and his house were of
Ghibelline stock. He was rich, having many
estates and much property ; [but] he was held in
great infamy by the people, because in times of
dearth he locked up his grain and said : u Either
I will have such a price for it, or it shall never
be sold at all." He treated the Whites and
Ghibellines very ill, and showed them no pity ;
and that for two reasons — first, in order that he
might stand better with the ruling party ; secondly,
because he never hoped for mercy for such a fault
as his (1). He was much employed in embassies,
because he was a good speaker. He was on
familiar terms with Pope Boniface, and very inti-
mate with M. Napoleone Orsino, the Cardinal,
when he was legate in Tuscany ; and he put the
Cardinal off with words (2), depriving him of all
hope of making peace between the Whites and
Blacks of Florence.
THE THIRD BOOK 255
This knight was in great part the cause of
M. Corso Donati' s death (3) ; and he had so
given himself up to evil that he cared neither for
God nor for the world, [even] trying to become
reconciled to the Donati by excusing himself and
accusing others. One day when he was playing
chess, two young men of the Donati, with others,
their companions, came to him at his house, and
wounded him in the head repeatedly, so that they
left him for dead. But one of his sons wounded
a son of Biccicocco (4) so that he only survived
a few days. For some days M. Betto's condition
was such that men thought he would escape ; but
after some days, frenzied, without repenting or
making amends to God and to the world, and
in great disfavour with many citizens, he died
miserably. Many rejoiced at his death, for he
was a very bad citizen.
1. I.e. deserting his party, that of the Whites (see II. 23).
2. See III. 18.
3. See III. 21, n. 3.
4. A member of the Donati family.
CHAPTER XL
M. Pazzino de' Pazzi murdered by Paffiera Caval-
canti (Jan. 1312). In consequence of this the
Cavalcanti, who had been reinstated after their
former banishment (see III. 8), are banished
again.
M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, one of the four chief rulers
of the city, tried to make peace with the Donati
for himself and for M. Pino (1), although he (M.
256 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
Pino) had not been much to blame for the death of
M. Corso ; because [though] he had beeo a great
friend of M. Corso, he had not meddled in the
strife (2).
Now the Cavalcanti, who were a powerful
family and had amongst them about seventy men
able to bear arms, deeply hated these six pre-
dominant knights (3), who had constrained the
Podesta, Folcieri, to behead Masino Cavalcanti,
but they endured it without making any sign.
One day Paffiera Cavalcanti, a high-spirited
youth, hearing that M. Pazzino had gone on the
dry bed of the Arno by Santa Croce (4) with a
falcon and with one servant only, mounted his
horse with certain companions, and they went to
find him. When he saw them he began to flee
toward the Arno : [Paffiera] followed him and
thrust him through the back with a lance. He fell
into the water, and they cut his veins, and fled
towards Val di Sieve (5). And thus he died
miserably.
The Pazzi and Donati armed themselves and ran
to the palace (6) ; and with the Gonfalon of Justice
and with some of the city militia (7) they rushed
to the houses of the Cavalcanti in the New Market,
and set fire to three of their palaces with fagots.
Then they turned towards the house of M. Brunetto
(8), believing he had caused this [deed] to be
done.
M. Attaviano Cavalcanti was aided by the sons
of M. Pino (9) and by others of his friends. They
made barricades, and with horse and foot made
themselves so strong that their opponents could do
nothing?, for within the barricade were M. Gotti-
THE THIRD BOOK 257
fredi and M. Simone della Tosa, Testa Torna-
quinci, some of their kinsmen and some of the
Scali, of the Agli, of the Lucardesi, and of many
other families, who defended them bravely until they
were compelled to disarm (10).
When the citizens had become quiet, the Pazzi
accused the Cavalcanti, and forty-eight of them were
condemned in property and person. M. Attaviano
took refuge in a hospital, through the protection of
the Rossi; afterwards he went away to Siena.
Several sons of M. Pazzino survived him, two
of whom were knighted by the Commonwealth, as
well as two of their kinsmen, and they were given
4000 florins and 40 bushels of corn.
1. Probably M. Pino de' Rossi, whose embassy to the
Papal Court in 1310 is mentioned in III. 32, 33.
2. Lit. "he troubled himself about nothing else" — i.e. in
spite of his friendship with M. Corso, he did not interfere
in the struggle betv/een M. Corso and his enemies. See
III. 20, where the Rossi are mentioned among other of the
"conspirators" who failed to come to M. Corso's help.
3. See III. 37.
4. In this year 1312 the third circle of the walls (cf. III.
10, n. 7) was still unfinished, and the church of Sta. Croce
was still outside the city.
5. I.e. the valley of the Sieve, which falls into the Arno
at Pontassieve, about 12 miles east of Florence.
6. I.e. the palace of the Signory. The Donati, who had
been banished in 1308 (see III. 20), had been recalled in
131 1 {cf. next chapter).
7. Con parte del popolo. Popolo is here equivalent to the
" companies" composing the city militia (see II. 22, n. 4).
8. Del Lungo thinks that a M. Brunetto Brunelleschi is
here meant.
9. Pino de' Rossi. It does not appear, says Del Lungo,
that the Rossi were too well pleased with Pazzino's officious
attempt to mediate between them and the Donati, mentioned
at the beginning of this chapter.
10. I.e. the Cavalcanti and their supporters were finally
overpowered by their opponents.
258 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
CHAPTER XLI
Dino makes a brief general reference to the violent
end of the leaders of the Black Guelfs, and a
particular reference to the continued miserable
existence of the last of them, M. Geri Spini
(1312).
In how small a space of ground, the place where
justice is done and wicked doers are punished by an
evil death, have five cruel citizens perished! (1)
These were M. Corso Donati, M. Niccola de'
Cerchi, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, Gherardo Bordoni,
and Simone, son of M. Corso Donati (2), while
M. Rosso della Tosa and M. Betto Brunelleschi
[also] came to a violent end, and they were punished
for their errors.
M. Geri Spini has always lived much on his
guard, since the Donati and their followers and the
Bordoni have been recalled from banishment wirh
great honour, [they] whose houses but a short while
before had been destroyed by the Commonwealth,
to their great shame and damage (3).
1. The "small space of ground" is the plain east of
Florence on the right bank of the Arno, between the streams
of Affrico and Mensola, where, in fact, these citizens did
come to a violent end.
2. M. Niccola de' Cerchi belonged, of course, to the
White party. He was brother to the first wife of Corso
Donati (cf. I. 20, n. 3), and was murdered on Christmas
Day 1301 by his nephew, Simone, son of Corso Donati.
Simone was wounded by his uncle in the struggle, and died
the same night (Villsni, viii. 49).
3. See III. 20, and III. 40, n. 6.
THE THIRD BOOK 259
CHAPTER XLII
Conclusion. The author proclaims the approaching
chastisement of the wicked citizens by the
Emperor (1312).
Thus is our city afflicted ! Thus our citizens re-
main obstinate in evil-doing ! And that which is
done one day is blamed the next. Sages were wont
to say, "The wise man does nought of which he
may repent " (1). But in this city, and by these
citizens, nothing is done so praiseworthy but it is
reputed to be the contrary and is blamed. Men
slay one another here ; evil is not punished by law ;
but in proportion as the evil-doer has friends and
can spend money he gets off scot-free from the
crime he has committed.
Oh, unrighteous citizens, who have corrupted
and defiled all the world with evil customs and false
gains ! (2). Ye are they who have put every evil
habit into the world. Now the world begins to
turn against you : the Emperor with his power will
cause you to be seized and robbed by sea and
land (3).
1. Cicero, Tusc. Disp. v. 28.
2. I.e. illicit gains (see I. 1, n, 3).
3. Dante's Epistola vi. (102 ff.) is exactly in the same
strain. The Emperor Henry VII. did indeed come against
Florence in the autumn of this year 1312, but, after a month
and halfs siege, was beaten off: and on Aug. 24 of the
following year he died.
APPENDIX I
Sketch of the life of Dino Compagni and of the
literary history of his Chronicle.
Dino (in full, Aldobrandino or Ildebrandino) Com-
pagni sprang from a substantial popolano family of
merchants belonging to the wealthy guild of Por
Santa Maria (see p. 268). He was born about
the year 1257. He received a liberal education,
knew Latin (or Grammar, as it was then called),
and was familiar with the scholastic philosophy
and with the Provencal and French languages.
Like most men of cultivation at that time, he turned
his attention to poetry. As Dino is put on a level
with Guido Guinizelli, Guido Cavalcanti, Dante
Alighieri, and Cino of Pistoja by Francesco of
Barberino (1 264-1 348) in his commentary on his
own Documenti d? Amore, it is probable that his
compositions were numerous and held in high
repute, though the five sonnets of his which have
come down to us (one of which is referred to
above, I. 20, n. 6) do not rise above mediocrity.
A more meritorious effort is the poem on moral
worth {Canzone del Pregio), printed in full at the end
of Del Lungo's smaller edition of the Chronicle, in
which Dino sets forth in successive stanzas the
qualities which should adorn persons of every
degree in the social scale, Emperor, King, Baron,
Magistrate, Knight, &c. The poem is apparently
unfinished and unrevised. There is also good
reason for believing Dino to have been the author
260
APPENDIX I 261
of an allegorical poem in 309 stanzas called L'intel-
ligenza, of which an analysis will be found in
Gaspary's " History of Early Italian Literature,"
translated by Oelsner (Bell & Sons, 1901).
In 1280 Dino was enrolled in the guild of Por
S. Maria as a master-trader, and between the
years 1282 and 1299 was elected to serve as one
of the four consuls of the guild no less than six
times ; which, considering the fact that no person
who had filled that office (held for six months at
a time) could be re-elected till the expiration of
two years, affords proof of his capacity and of the
high standing he occupied among his fellow-traders
even from an early age. A still more striking
proof of the influential position he had acquired
among his fellow- citizens is furnished by what he
himself tells us in the Chronicle (I. 4) of the part
he took in 1282m the establishment of the Priorate
as the supreme authority in the Commonwealth.
From 1282 till 1301 Dino took a most active
part in the political life of Florence, as is evident
from the frequent references he makes in the
Chronicle to his own sayings and doings in con-
nection with public affairs, and on twenty-eight
occasions during that period we find his name re-
corded as speaking in the councils ordinary and
extraordinary of the Commonwealth. Had not
the minutes of their proceedings between the years
1294 and 1 301 been lost, this number would
doubtless be much more considerable. Three times
he was a member of the Signory, twice (in 1289 and
1 301) as Prior (see I. 8 ; II. 5j^)» and once (in
1293) as Gonfalonier of Justice (see I. 12).
But politics, literature, and trade did not absorb
262 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the whole of Dino's energy. He was, as even a
cursory perusal of the Chronicle shows, a man
of sincere religion, and we are, therefore, not
surprised to find him in the ranks of the Compagnia
di Madonna Maria dyOrto San Michele, an associa-
tion for devotional and charitable purposes, which
spent its funds in the maintenance of religious
services and in the relief of the poor. Dino held
the office of a " Captain " of this society in 1 298.
Considering the prominent part taken by Dino
in public affairs as an adherent of the White party,
it may seem strange that he should have escaped
the sentence of banishment which so many of his
companions in misfortune had to undergo. But so
it was ; for though early in 1302 he was threatened
with the modified form of exile known as setting
under bounds, he was able to claim the benefit of
a law whereby no one who had filled the office of
Prior could be proceeded against (except for murder
or aggravated assault) till a year after he had quitted
office. Accordingly Dino appeared before the
Podesta, M. Cante de' Gabnelli, on May 7,
1302, and claimed his privilege; and does not
seem to have been molested any more. But though
Dino escaped banishment and confiscation of his
goods, he was doomed to political extinction.
Never again after November 7, 1301, when the
last White Signory handed over the government
to their Black successors (see Chronicle, II. 19)
was Dino member of a Signory ; never again was
his voice heard in the Councils. He continued to
lead the uneventful life of a Florentine merchant
at his house by the Arno (the site of which is now
occupied by the Corsini palace) and at his shop
APPENDIX I 263
hard by the palace of the Signory. Nay, such was
the virulence of party hatred, he was never again
appointed a Consul of his guild. On December 15,
1 3 16, he was admitted a member of the guild of
wool-merchants, paying, as one of the principal
merchants, the maximum fee of 50 lire (Bullettino
della Societa Dantesca Italiana, xiii. 4 «.). He
died on February 26, 1324, and was buried in the
Church of S. Trinita. He was twice married — first
to a lady named Filippa, whose family is not known,
and secondly to Francesca (Cecca), daughter of
Puccio di Benvenuto of Forli. By his first wife he
had six children. His second marriage was childless.
The Chronicle, which was to give Dino an
enduring place among the historians of Italy, was,
as Del Lungo thinks, begun about the opening
of the year 1311, and was certainly completed
in the autumn of 13 12. The death of the
Emperor Henry VII. in the following year
shattered at once and for ever the confident ex-
pectation of an imperial triumph over rebellious
Florence, with the expression of which the
Chronicle ends. The Black Guelfs might now
work their will without hindrance, and we may
well take it that Dino felt but little inclination to
divulge his work, even if he could have done so
with safety. Hence for a long time he, and
afterwards his descendants, kept it concealed as
"a species of dangerous contraband, " to use Del
Lungo's expression, and it passed into almost total
oblivion. The only trace of it in the fourteenth
century appears in the important commentary on
the Divina Commedia known as that of the Anonimo
Fiorentino, compiled probably towards the end of
264 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
that century, whose author, as Del Lungo proves,
was acquainted with Dino's work and made use
of it. The earliest MS. of the Chronicle which
is known to exist dates from about 1475? and
is in the Laurentian Library at Florence. It is
known as the Ashburnham MS., from its having
formed part of the library of the late Earl of
Ashburnham, after whose death in 1878 the
MS. was purchased by the Italian Government.
The next oldest MS. dates from 15 14, and is in
the National Library at Florence. This, as well
as a number of MSS. of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, are all derived from the
Ashburnham MS. During the whole course of
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Chronicle
remained unnoticed, and was not disinterred from
its unmerited neglect till the time of the Senator
Carlo di Tommaso Strozzi (1587—1670), one of
the most learned men and one of the most diligent
students of history in that age.
The Ashburnham MS. was then in the pos-
session of the Senator Filippo Pandoliini (1575-
1655), and Carlo Strozzi had a copy taken of it
which he presented in 1637 to the reigning pontiff,
Urban VIII. (Maffeo Barberini). Carlo Strozzi
was employed by this Pope in a great work on the
genealogy of the Barberini (published in 1640), in
which for the first time Dino's name appeared in
print as an authority on Florentine history. Had
the Chronicle contained any allusion, however
slight, to the progenitors of Pope Urban, there is
little doubt that it would then and there have
been published with all the prestige which papal
favour could bestow.
APPENDIX I 265
From this time Dino became known as an
historian Dot to be neglected, and manuscript copies
of the Chronicle began and continued to multiply
through the second half of the seventeenth and the
early part of the eighteenth century. Meantime
the work remained unpublished, and though its
publication was seriously contemplated by the
learned Apostolo Zeno in 17 16, and by Salvino
Salvini two years later, it was not carried out
till 1726, when the Chronicle was included by
Muratori in vol. ix. of his Rerum Itaiicarum
Scriptores. It was reprinted by Domenico Maria
Manni at Florence in 1728 ; and not again till
1 81 8, when Rosini's edition of it appeared at Pisa.
Since then numerous editions have been published,
and the fame of Dino Compagni as an historian of
the first importance became firmly established. In
1874, however, Dr. SchefTer-Boichorst of Berlin
published, in a volume entitled Florentiner Studien,
a dissertation wherein he claimed to prove that
the Chronicle was a forgery ; and in the following
year, in a reply to a defence of its authenticity by
C. Hegel, he still adhered to his position. Reading
Scheffer-Boichorst's arguments in the light which
more recent researches, especially those of Del
Lungo, have thrown on the history of Florence in
Dino's time, it is easy enough to recognise that
SchefFer-Boichorst's thesis is vitiated by a radical
misconception of the nature and scope of Dino's
work, by a misunderstanding of particular passages
in his text, and by an imperfect acquaintance with
the documentary material that has since been more
fully explored. It is palpable, moreover, that
SchefTer-Boichorst condemned the authenticity of
266 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
the Chronicle to a great extent on the ground
that it was not the kind of book he, SchefFer-
Boichorst, considered that the genuine Dino would
have written. Still, there was in Scheffer-
Boichorst's polemic an appearance of erudition
and acuteness which made a great impression, and
for a time Dino's credit was seriously shaken.
In 187 9- 1887 appeared Del Lungo's great work,
Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica. This edition
of the Chronicle, in which Dino's text and the
history of Florence during his time are illustrated
with an extraordinary wealth of original research,
comprises an elaborate refutation of all the argu-
ments put forward by Scheffer-Boichorst against the
authenticity of the Chronicle. ScherFer-Boichorst,
in fact, afterwards so far abandoned an untenable
position as to admit that Dino could no longer,
as he had formerly judged, be struck out of
historical literature ; but though he continued to
deny that the existing Chronicle is anything more
than a compendium containing some elements of a
lost work by Dino, he never attempted a detailed
reply to Del Lungo's exhaustive criticism of his
theory, and the most recent authorities constantly
cite the Chronicle, not only as authentic, but as
one of the most important sources of information
on the history of Florence during the period with
which it is concerned. The words of Gaetano
Salvemini (Magnati e Popolani in Firen%e, p. 222,
n. 3) may be quoted in conclusion : " We cannot
help pointing out to the reader the wonderful
precision of all Compagni' s information. And to
think that there was a time when people were
capable of believing him to be a forger ! "
APPENDIX II 267
APPENDIX II
The Florentine Constitution after 1282.
A. The Guilds.
Since after the establishment of the Priorate the
Trade Guilds were the sole depositaries of political
power in Florence, it is necessary to give some
account of their organisation before speaking of the
legislative and executive machinery of the State.
Each guild was governed by officers known as
Consuls or Capitudini ; and it should be noted that
the word Capitudine, of which Capltudini is the
plural, in its primary and strict sense meant the
Consuls of a guild taken collectively ; though it
was afterwards applied to them individually. The
Capitudini were elected by the members of the
guilds, and the members of the guilds were the
master - traders ; the work-people (other than
apprentices qualifying themselves to become
masters in due time), though bound by the
regulations of the guilds, which were of the most
stringent and far-reaching character, were entirely
excluded from all the privileges of the guild, and
were in a position of quasi-slavery ; only they were
the slaves of the guild and not of any private person.
At the time of the institution of the Priorate
there were seven guilds styled " greater," viz.:
those of (1) the doctors of law (giudici) and
notaries ; (2) the dressers and dyers of foreign
cloth, called the Merchants of Calimala, from the
place where they traded (cf. III. 8, n. 2) ; (3) the
268 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
money-changers ; (4) the wool-merchants {Arte
della lana) ; (5) the merchants of Por ( = Porta) S.
Maria, who were engaged in the sale and purchase
of cloth, silk, and other materials of clothing, be-
sides all sorts of furniture — this guild was after-
wards known as the Guild of Silk {Arte della seta),
when the commerce in that article overshadowed
that in all the other miscellaneous merchandises
dealt in by the merchants of the guild ; (6) the
physicians and apothecaries ; (7) the skinners. A
few months after the institution of the Priorate,
i.e. in the October of 1282, nine of the lesser
guilds were reduced by amalgamation to five and
added to the greater guilds, though they were not
immediately put on an equal footing with the first
seven {e.g. no Prior was chosen from among them
till 1285). These five guilds were those of
(1) the butchers; (2) the shoemakers; (3) the
smiths; (4) the masons and carpenters; (5) the
hosiers, hucksters, and (after 1291) the linen-
drapers. Henceforth, therefore, the Greater
Guilds numbered twelve.
Similarly, in 1287 the Lesser Guilds were re-
duced by amalgamations from sixteen to nine, and
their political existence was recognised ; but they
were accorded very limited powers {e.g. their
Capitudini only attended the Councils of the
Commonwealth in exceptional cases), and, except
during the time of the ascendancy of Giano della
Bella from 1293 to 1295 (see I. 11-16),
were debarred from all effective participation in
public affairs during the whole period covered by
Dino's work. The total number of guilds was
therefore twenty-one, after the year 1287. It
APPENDIX II 269
may here be noted that the guild of the money-
changers did not include bankers. Banking was
carried on by merchants of other guilds, especially
by those of Cahmala ; while the Guelf party
organisation (see I. 3, n. 2) did a very large
banking business. On the Guild of Doctors of
Law and Notaries, see I. 12, n. 1.
B. The Priors, or Signory.1
The Priors were elected by the Capitudinl of
the Greater Guilds, together with certain " wise
men" (cf. I. 11, n. 11) nominated by the out-
going Priors. The Priors, in conjunction with the
Capitudini of the Greater Guilds, had the general
direction of public affairs, and appointed almost
all the officials of the Commonwealth. "With-
out the will of the Priors no Council, whether of
* Wise Men,' of the Captain, or of the Podesta,
could be called together, no law could be proposed,
no deliberation could be had. The Councils of
the Wise Men, of the Captain, and of the Podesta
were formed not by election but by nomination,
and this nomination was made by the Priors in
company with ' Wise Men ' summoned for the
purpose by the Priors themselves " (Salvemini,
Magna ti e Popolani, pp. 116, 117).
C. The Magistrates (Rettori) and Councils.
The two chief officials of the Commonwealth
were the Podesta (Lat. potestas) and the Captain
1 After 1293 the term Signory included the Gonfalonier of
Justice (see I. 11) as well as the Priors.
s
270 CHRONICLE OF DINO COMPAGNI
of the People. Both these functionaries were
obliged to be foreigners, and held office for six
months ; and they were collectively known as the
Magistrates [Rettori ; lit. rulers). The office of
Podesta was established in the early years of the
thirteenth century, that of Captain of the People
in 1250, in opposition to the Podesta (see Villani,
vi. 39). In Dino's time, however, the two
Magistrates exercised co-ordinate authority, the
Podesta being in some sort the head of the
Magnates, while the Captain was the head of the
popolanu In case of disputes between the two
Magistrates, it was the Priors' duty to decide
between them. The Podesta and Captain were
judges both in civil and criminal cases. In civil
cases the Podesta had appellate jurisdiction (see
I. 4, n. 5),
The ciril jurisdiction of the Captain was con-
fined to fiscal cases. The Podesta had jurisdiction
in all criminal cases ; the Captain had a con-
current jurisdiction in certain criminal cases. Both
Magistrates were assisted in the discharge of their
judicial duties by a staff of doctors of law
(giudici), who, like all the other members of their
establishment or household (famiglia), were re-
quired to be foreigners (cf. I. 16, n. 4).
These Magistrates were also the heads of the
army ; the Captain commanding the militia of
the citizens, the Podesta the forces of the nobles.
The Podesta, however, often acted as Commander-
in-Chief; and was, moreover, the chief official
representative of the Commonwealth.
Furthermore, these Magistrates were entrusted
with the duty of summoning (under the instructions
APPENDIX II 271
of the Signory) the legislative Councils of the State
as follows. The Captain summoned and presided
over (1) the Council of the Hundred Men, (2) the
Special Council of the Captain, (3) the General
Council of the Captain. The Podesta summoned
and presided over (1) his Special Council of ninety
members, (2) his General Council of three hundred
members. Legislative measures had to pass these
Councils in the above-stated order in those cases in
which the consent of all the Councils was necessary
(see Villari, p. 227). Extraordinary and temporary
Councils of " Wise Men " were also very fre-
quently summoned by the Signory (see I. 21, n. 6).
The Capitudini of the Greater Guilds took part in
the proceedings of the Councils of the Captain,
and, on important occasions, in those of the Podesta
also.
Finally, it is important to bear in mind that, as
may be gathered from the above summary, the
Florentine Commonwealth was essentially different
from a democracy of modern times. The inhabi-
tants of the outlying territory (Contado), as well as
the smaller traders and populace of the city — what,
in short, we should call the " working classes " —
were entirely excluded from the rights of citizen-
ship. "In fact," says Villari (p. 128), "even down
to the last days of the republic, real citizenship, the
possessors of which alone were eligible to political
posts, was conceded to few ; and even in 1494 the
number of citizens hardly exceeded three thou-
sand." It may be mentioned that the whole
population of Florence in 1300 has been estimated
at about 30,000 (Salvemini, Magnati e Popolani,
P- 43)-
( 272 )
TRANSLATORS' NOTE
This translation is the joint work of Miss Else C.
M. Benecke and Mr. A. G. Ferrers Howell. The
notes and appendices are by Mr. A. G. Ferrers
Howell, and are in the main founded on Del Lungo's
ivork, " Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica " (Florence,
Successori Le Monnier, 1879— 1887) : much help has
also been derived from Gaetano Salvemini' s iiMagnati
e Popolani in Firenze" (Florence, Carnesecchi, 1899).
The translation has been made jrom the text of Del
Lungo's smaller edition, " La cronica di Dino Com-'
pagni, Edizione Scolastica " (Florence, Successori Le
Monnier, 1902) ; except in one passage (see III. 18,
n. 2), where the text of the larger edition has been
followed.
The translators desire to express their sense of
the great obligation they are under to the researches
of Professor Del Lungo, and their gratitude to him
for his permission freely to avail themselves of his
invaluable labours.
LIST OF PASSAGES IN DANTE'S WORKS
REFERRED TO IN THE NOTES
Inferno I. 124
v. .
v. 107, 140
vi. 65, 66
vi. 71
vi. 74
x. 82/:
x. 120
XIII. 118
xiii. 143-15°
xvi. 73 .
xxiv. 125, 126, 143
XXIV. 143-150
xxv. 147
xxv. 151
xxvi. 1-3
xxvii. 43-45 .
XXVII. 46
xxvii. 50
xxvii. 78
xxvii. 85-1 1 1 .
xxviii. 35
XXVIII. 85
xxviii. 106-108
XXX. 32 .
XXXII. 69
xxxiii. 85, 86
xxxiii. 137^
Purgatorio v. 88 .
vi. 133-135
vi. 143, 144
xiv. 17
xiv. 55-66
xiv. 118
xx. 70-78
xx. 79
xx. 79, 80
xx. 86-90
xxiv. 82-8
273
274
LIST OF PASSAGES
Paradiso I. 34
,, xii. 124
,, xv. 97 .
XVI. 64, 65
,, xvi. 93 .
,- xvi. 94, 95
XVI. 112-114
xvi. 131, 132
xvi. 136
xvi. 154
xxv. 17, ii
XXV. 41
xxx. 137
XXX. 148
Convivio I. 3 : 22 1
11. 14:176^
11. 14: 177
,, ill. 12 : 116
IV. 3:40
iv. 6 : 180
,, iv. 23 : 130
, , iv. 28 : 60-65
De Vulgari Eloquentia I. 12 : 38
I- i3:39
II. 6
Epistola 1. 26
v. 99 .
v. 102 .
vi. 1-25
vi. 30, 92
VI. 102^
VII.
vii. 155-157
IX. 19 .
Vita Nuova xli. 46^
47-5°
PAGE
79
62
Il6
57
125
59
65
29
7
27
59
217
102
158
2
122
87
217
217
165
in
J54
X52
73
J43
188
224
241
224
241
259
232
248
62
59
1 The references in the case of the Minor Works are to Dr.
Moore's " Oxford Dante," 3rd edition.
LIST OF PASSAGES IN THE CHRONICLE
OF GIOVANNI VILLANI REFERRED
TO IN THE NOTES
Book III. 2
,, v. 9
, . v. 37
,, vi. 40
,. vi. 43
„ VI. 75
,, VI. 82
„ vii. 13-15, 17, 56
,. vii. 79
,, vii. no, 120, 124, 127
,, vii. 124
,, vii. 131
,, vii. 132
,, vii. 147
,, vii. 149
,, viii. 8
,, viii. 26
,, viii. 38
,, viii. 39
,, VIII. 41
,, viii. 49
,. viii. 53
,, viii. 56
,, viii. 59
,, viii. 63
,, viii. 69
„ viii. 71
,., viii. 72
,, VIII. 82
„ VIII. 89
,, VIII. 96
,, viii. 118-120
,, IX. 7 .
,, IX. II
,, ix. 43
,, XII. 10
107, I
J9, 1
PAGE
. 182
. IO8
7°
27, I3O
27
24I
• *34
10
12
. 16
• 19
21, 27
• 27
• 83
. 18
• 34
. 104
• 73
65, 211
• 58
22, 132, 137, 258
• 143
83. 158
146
• 159
171, 173, 178
. 182
83, 187, 190
. 196
• 203
208, 211, 213
. 248
• 247
226
242
• 250
275
INDEX
Abati (family), 136
Acciajuoli (family), 138
Accirrito of Gaville, 54
Acquasparta, Cardinal of. See
Porto, Cardinal of
Adimari (family), 164, 211
Adolphus of Nassau, 38
Agli (family), 138, 257
Aglione di Giova Aglioni, 115
Agnolo di M. Guglielmino, 194, 196
Aguglione or Aquilone (fortress),
132
Alagna. See Anagni
Albano, Cardinal of. 231, 233, 242
Alberto di M. Jaeopo del Giudice,
40. 97, 98
Alberto, son ' of Donato di M.
Alberto Ristori, 142
Albert of Austria, 217
Aldobrandini (family), 138
Aldobrando of Cerreto, 132
Aldruda, Madonna, 5, 6
Altoviti (family), 138
Ambra, valley of the, 203
Amerigo of Narbonne, 17, 25, 26
Amieri (family), 170
Ammannato di Rota Beccanugi,
121, 128, 129
Amuniti or Ammuniti (family), 65,
136
Anagni, 83, 157-159
Ancisa (Incisa), 136, 138
Andrea Gherardini, 72, 73
Andrea of Cerreto.. 49, 97, 121, 132,
145, 148
Angelotti (family), 136
Angiolieri (family), 65
Annunziata (church), 188
Antonio Brusciati, 171
Antonio d'Orso (Bishop of Florence),
214, 215
Antonio of Fisiraga, Fostierato, or
Foscieraco, 171, 223, 224
Arezzo, 4, 14, 15, 23, 47, 143, 159,
187, 201-203, 205
Arezzo, siege of, in 1289, 26, 27
Arezzo, siege of, in 1310, 248
Armeggerie, 18
Arno, 3, 4, 23, 256
Arnolfo di Cambio, 104
Arrigo della Tosa, 65
Arriguccio di Lapo Arrighi, 40
Arroti, 32
Asti, 219-221
Attaviano Cavalcanti, 256, 257
Attaviano (Ottaviano) degli Ubal-
dini, Cardinal, 147, 149
Avignon, 205, 217
Azzo VIII. (Marquis of Ferrara),
151, 152, 200, 239; 241
Badia, 12, 13
Bagolesi (family), 142, 143
Baldinaccio Adimari, 60, 136, 150,
176
Baldo Aguglioni or d' Aguglione, 32
39, 40, 52, 53, 132, 148
Baldo dal Borgo, 45
Baldo dell' Ammirato, 45
Baldo della Tosa, 42, 64, 136, 163
Baldo di M. Talano Tosinghi. 136
Baldo Fini, 239
Baldone Angelotti, 128, 133
Baldo Ridolfi, 121, 124
Baldo Ruffoli, 28
Baldovino of Soppino, 16, 18
Banchino di Giovanni, 49
Bandino Falconieri, 96
Bardellino de' Bardi, 63
Bardi (family), 65, 113, 138, 164,
210
Barnabas d'Oria, 235
Barone Mangiadori, 23, 24
Bartolo de' Bardi, 11, 61, 67, 68
Bartolomeo, Friar, 238, 239
Bartolo Orlandini, 49
Baschiera della Tosa (Tosinghi), 60,
64, 113, 116, 133, 150, 176, 177,
184-188
Battifolle, 70
276
INDEX
277
Battifolle, Simone Count of, 69, 70
Beatrice (daughter of Henry VII.),
251
Beatrice of Provence, 18
Beatrice Portinari, 70
Beccheria (family), 233
Beltrando of Poggetto, Cardinal,
254
Benedict XI., 161, 162, 168, 171,
182, 183, 190
Benedict (Friar), 106
Benevento, battle of, 10
Bernardino of Polenta, 152
Bernardo de' Rossi, 91
Bernardo di Manfredi Adimari, 19,
64
Berto Frescobaldi, 42, 64, 129, 135
Bertrand de Got. See Clement V.
Bertuccio de' Pulci, 139
Betto Brunelleschi, 131, 138, 176,
183. 204-206, 213. 246, 252, 254,
255, 258
Betto Gherardini, 136, 145, 146, 252
Bibbiena, 20, 24, 26
Biccicocco Donati, 255
Biccio Franzesi, 83
Biligiardo della Tosa, 64, 67, 136
Bindello Adimari, 65
Bindo Adimari, 120
Bindo del Baschiera Tosinghi 25,
133
Bingeri Tornaquinci, 167
Bino de' Gabrielli, 194
Bisdomini (family), 138
Bisenzio (river), 174
Black and White Guelfs, origin of
the names, 70-73, 141
Boccaccio Adimari, 180, 211
Bologna, 4, 80, 144, 151, 152, 201,
203, 239
Boniface VIII., 6, 36, 38, 48, 57,
59, 66, 79, 82, 83, 96, 98, 100,
101, 125, 134, 142, 143, 157-159.
164, 165, 190, 216, 254
Bono of Ognano, Ser, 169
Bordoni (family), 65, 115, 117, 138,
164, 207, 208, 210. 258
Borgo Rinaldi, 65, 138
Borgo S. Lorenzo, 147, 149
Bostichi (family), 124, 125, 138, 164
Bounds, setting under, 9, 10, 138,
146
Branca d'Oria, 234, 235
Brescia siege of, 229-233
Bruciati or Brusati (family), 232
Brunetto Brunelleschi (?), 256, 257
Buonaccorso degli Adimari, 8
Buonconte of Montefeltro, 25
Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti
(a.d. 1215), 5, 6, 33
Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti
(a.d. 1300), 67
Buondelmonti (family), 113, 138,
170, 171, 210
Buonuomini, 10
Cafaggio, 185, 188
Calendar, Florentine, 9
Calenzano, 135, 137
Calimala (Calimara), 178-180, 182
Campaldino, battle of, 23-27, 133
Campi, 172
Cancellieri (family), 71-73
Cante de' Gabrielli, 94, 95, 117, 122,
187, 262
Cantino di M. Amadore Cavalcanti,
7i, 73
Capitudine, -i, 267
Captains of the Guelf Party, 85,
87, 169, 171
Captains of the War, 26
Carbone de' Cerchi, 60, 66
Carbone Gherardini, 67
Carlettino de' Pazzi, 187
Carlino de' Pazzi, 142
Carlo Strozzi, 264
Carmignano, 208, 209
Carroccio, 241
Casalmaggiore, 237
Casentino, 22, 23, 203, 204
Cassone della Torre (Archbishop of
Milan), 225, 226
Castel della Pieve, 60, 62
Castel Tedaldo (fortress at Ferrara),
239, 241
Castiglione Aretino, 26, 153, 154
Castiglione degli Ubertini, 153, 154
Catalans. See Scherigli
Catellina Raffacani, 109
Catilina, 123, 130
Cavalcabo (family), 227, 228
Cavalcanti (family), 64, 164, 175,
177, 178, 182, 184, 255, 257
Cavallata, 27
Ceccano. 157, 158
Cecchino de' Bardi, 56
Cece Canigiani, 103
Ceffo de' Lamberti, 48, 49
278
INDEX
Cerchi (family), 54, 55, 57, 73, 86, 118
Cerretani (family), 65, 132
Charles I. of Anjou, King of Sicily,
10, 18, 19, 95, 234, 235
Charles II. (The Lame), 17-19, 125,
193, 200, 217
Charles of Valois, 6, 79-82, 87, 90,
91, 94, 95, 105, 114, 116-121,
123-125, 127, 134-137, 140, 141,
191, 218
Charles, Duke of Calabria, 251
Chirico della Tosa, 148
Chiusi, 23
Cino of Pistoja, 200
Cione Magalotti, 103
Civitella ^fortress), 26
Clement V., 190, 191, 194, 214, 215,
231, 233, 250
Colle di Valdelsa, 23
" Colleges," 29, 31
Colli g ani, 23, 243
Colonna (family), 62, 66, 67, 79,
161, 250
Compostella, sanctuary of S. James
at, 56, 59
Conrad the Salic, 7
Conrad III., 7
Conradin, 18
Contado of Florence, v., 22, 23, 271
Conti of Gangalandi (family), 136
Corazza Ubaldini of Signa, 83, 84,
100, 101, 103, 136, 150
Corbizzi (family), 118, 119
Corso (street in Florence), 179, 180,
182
Corso degli Adimari (street in
Florence), 178, 180, 182
Corso di M. Forese Adimari, 136
Corso Donati, 22-24, 44> 46, 54>
56, 57, 59, 60, 66, 70, 117, 118,
123, 138, 155, 156, 162-166, 176,
183, 187, 202, 204, 206, 213, 255,
256, 258
Corteccione Bostichi, 124, 125
Corte delle Badesse, 181
Councils, legislative, at Florence,
271
Courtrai, battle of, 158
Cremona, 227-230, 236, 237
Dante Alighieri, 27, 62, 83, 102,
136, 146
Dauphin of Vienne, 225, 226
Delia Torre (family), 221, 223, 226
Della Tosa (family). See Tosinghi
Delle Botte (family), 65
Diego de la Rat (Marshal of King
Charles II. and King Robert),
196, 209, 212, 243, 245
Dino Compagni, 11, 19, 20, 33, 39,
40, 60, 61, 68, 69, 84, 85, 91-94,
97, 99, 100, 103-107, 114, 121,
260-263
Dino di Giovanni (Pecora), 19, 37,.
50, 65
Donati (family), 54, 124, 164, 256,
258
Donato di M. Alberto Restori, 32,
55, 90, 128, 129, 136, 142, 148,
150
Donato Finiguerri (son of Fini-
guerra Diedati), 136, 145, 146
Duccio di Gherardino Magalotti, 121
Durazzo de' Vecchietti, 20, 21
Edward I. of England, 18
Elders of Pistoja, 71, 73
Executor of the Ordinances
Justice, 209
of
Faenza, 152
Falconieri (family), 65
Fazio of Signa, 132
Jederigo of Montefeltro, Count, 152
Federigo Maggi (Bishop of Brescia),
238
Feditori (feritori), 27
Ferrara, 239
Fiamengo di Lando (Imperial Vicar
in Pavia), 233, 238
Fieschi, Cardinal (M. dal Fiesco),
159, 231, 233, 250
Fifanti (family). See Bagolesi
Fighine, 4, 160
Filippone, Count of Langosco, 221-
224, 233, 237, 238
Florence, description of, 3, 4 ; walls
and gates of, 116, 119
Florin, gold, value of, 63
Folcieri of Calvoli (Fulcieri of
Calboli), Podesta of Florence,
147-149, 252, 256
Forese degli Adimari, 8, 10
Forli, 142, 143, 152, 170, 171, 201
Francesco of Este, 239
Francesco Orsini, Cardinal, 157, 233
Frederick II., Emperor, 17, 215,
217
INDEX
279
Frederick of Aragon, King of Sicily,
79. 80
Frescobaldi (family), 137, 138, 167,
210
Frescobaldi (palace), 94, 96
Frescobaldi (piazza), 55
Fuceccbio, siege of, 133, 134
Galeazzo Visconti, 2-25, 232, 236
Galerano. See Waleran
Galigai (family), 32, 33
Gangalandesi, 185, 188
Gangalandi (village), 188
Ganghereto, 160
Gargosa or Gargonza, 203
Gaville, 57, 58
Genoa, 234, 235
Gentile de' Cerchi, 60
Gentile of Mcntefiore, Cardinal, 99,
100, 102
Geri Paganetti, 49
Geri Rossoni, 124
Geri Spini, 60, 65, 67, 128, 138, 140,
15^, 173, 176, 183, 204-206, 252,
258
Gherardini (family), 113, 145, 167,
170, 184
Gherardino Diedati, 145, 146
Gherardo Bordoni, 211, 258
Gberardo Bostichi, 239, 242, 243
Gherardo Buondelmonti, 210
Gherardo Lupicini, 49
Gherardo Sgrana degli Adimari, 65
Gherardo Ventraia de' Tornaquinci,
65, 252
Gherarduccio Buondelmonti, 115,
189
Ghibelline, origin and meaning of
the name, 7
Ghiberto (Giberto) of Correggio,
200, 201, 235-238
Ghisenzio of Gubbio, 156
Giachinotto de' Pazzi, 60
Gian di Celona (Jean de Chalon), 36,
38, 47, 49
Giandonati (family), 164
Gianfigliazzi (family), 138
Gianni Schicchi de' Cavalcanti, 68
Giano della Bella, 28-31, 34, 36,
47, 49-51, 71
Giano di Vieri Cerchi, 135, 137
Giano of Lucino (Podesta of
Florence), 44, 45
Giovangiacotto Malispini, 136
Giovanni de' Cerchi, 176
Giovanni Rustichelli, 131,1132
Giovanni Villani, 107
j Giudice, explanation of the word,
21
Goccia Adimari, 64, 120, 135, 136
Gonfalonier of Justice, office of
instituted, 28
Gonfaloniers of the Companies. See
Militia of the City
Gottifredi, son of Rosso della Tosa,
253. 254
Guastalla, 237
" Guasto " at Milan, 225, 226
Guccio Marignolli, 84
Guelf, origin and meaning of the
name, 7
Guelf Party, organisation of, 10, 87
Guelfs, White and Black, origin of
the names, 70-73
Guglielmino degli Ubertini, Bishop
of Arezzo, 15, 16, 19, 20, 24, 25
Guglielmino Spini, 211
Guglielmo, M. (Chancellor of Charles
of Valois), 87, 114
Guglielmo de' Maggi, 48
Guglielmo de' Pazzi di Valdarno.
20, 25
Guidi, Counts, 57
Guido Cavalcanti, 56, 57, 59, 60,
62, 64, 68
Guido Novello, Count (a.d. 1267),
8, 10, 134
Guido Novello, Count (a.d. 1289),
25, 27, 70
Guido Scimia Cavalcanti, 67
Guidotto de' Bugni, 171
Guidotto (Guido) della Torre, 220-
222, 225, 226, 236, 237
Guild of Lawyers {Giudici e Notai),
34
Guilds of Florence, 267-269
Henry VII., Emperor, 216-238,
240, 244-251, 259, 263
Henry of Flanders (Marshal of
Henry VII.), 225, 226
Henry the Proud, Duke of Ba-
varia, 7
Hugh, Margrave of Tuscany, 13
Incisa. See Ancisa
Innocent IV., 149
" Iron crown," 222, 223
28o
INDEX
Jacopo Colonna, Cardinal, 158
Jacopo Guatani (Gaetani), 66, 67
Jacopo of Certaldo, 19, 148
John, King of Bohemia, 222, 223
John of Ceccano, 158
John, Prince of Taranto, 249-251
Justice, administration of; at
Florence, 13, 21, 270
Knighthood, by whom it might be
conferred, 21
La Crock a Gorgo, 211
La Faggiuola (fortress), 143
La Lastra, 153, 184
Lamberti (family), 49, 136, 142
Lambertuccio Frescobaldi, 186
Lamone (river), 146
Lapo Arrighi, sons of, 136
Lapo del Biondo, 136
Lapo del Pace Angiolieri, 84
Lapo di Guazza Ulivieri (Lapo
Guazza), 69, 138
Lapo di M. Azzolino degli Uberti
176, 177
Lapo Falconieri, 103
Lapo Ricovero, 169
Lapo Salterelli, 55, 58, 64, 67, 96,
98, 118, 128-130, 136
La Sambuca (fortress), 193
Laterina (fortress), 26 153. 154,
160
Latino Malabranca, Cardinal, 9,
10
Lausanne, 247
Le Stinche (fortress), 181, 182
Liege, Bishop of, 242
Lippo del Velluto, 49
Lippo de' Vergellesi, 198, 200
Lippo di Falco Cambio, 84
Loccio of Montefeltri, 25
Lombardy, 203
Lotteringo Gherardini, 167, 168
Lotteringo of Montespertoli, 97
Lottieri della Tosa (Bishop of
Florence), 163, 165, 169, 214
Lotto del Migliore Guadagni, 49
Louis of Savoy, 244-248, 250
Lucardesi (family), 164, 184, 257
Lucca, 4
Lumiere, 182
Lunigiana, 244, 245
Lyons, 190
Macci (family), 181
Maffeo de' Maggi (di Maggio), 229,
232
Maffeo Visconti, 220-222, 225, 226
Magalotti (family), 34, 46, 138, 186,
205
Maggi (family), 232
Magistrates, meaning of the term, 35
Magistrates, their functions, 269, 270
Magnates, v
Magnates, statutory, 31
Mainardo (Maghinardo) Pagani of
Susinana, 17, 18, 23, 94, 140
Mainz, Peter Aichspalt, Archbishop
of, 218
Malaspina (Malespini) (family), 244,
245
Malatestino Malatesta, 94, 95
Malpiglio Ciccione, 23
Manetto Scali, 64, 85, 112, 129,
135-137
Manfred, King, 10
Manfredi di Beccheria, 223, 224
Mangona (fortress), 135, 137
Manieri (family), 64, 138, 164
Manno Attaviani, 138
Manzuolo, 65
March of Ancona, 16 ; Marquis of
the, 201, 203
Margaret of Brabant, Empress, 202.
222, 234, 235
Marius, 78, 79
Martino della Torre, 171
Maruccio Cavalcanti, 176, 181
Mary of Brabant, Countess of Savoy,
220
Masino Cavalcanti, 136, 145, 252,
256
Maso Minerbetti, 83, 84, 99, 100, 102
Massa Trebara, 66
Master (title), 120
Matteo Biliotti, 40
Matteo Rosso Orsini, Cardinal, 191
Matthew of Acquasparta. See Porto,
Cardinal of
Medici (family), 109, in, 112, 178,
207
Men-at-arms, 27
Messer (title), 7
Mestieri d'Arii, 91
Migliorelli (family), 136, 142
Milan, 220-226
Militia of the City, 27, 129, 130, 169,
171, 174. 195, 211
INDEX
281
Militia of the Contado, 62, in, 115,
188, 193, 196
Modena, 200
Monaldi (family), 138
Monfiorito of Padua (Podesta of
Florence), 51-53
Montalcino (fortress). 153, 154
Montale (fortress), 140, 141
Monte Accenico (fortress), 4, 147-
149, 153. 170
Monte a San Savino (fortress), 153,
154
Monte di Sotto, 208, 209
Montevarchi, 153, 154
Monza, 222, 223
Moro ello Malaspina (Marquis), 141,
153, 154, 197
Mosca, 7
jMosca della Torre, 225, 226
Mozzi (family), 64, 113, 176, 178
Mucciatto (Musciatto) Franzesi, 82,
83, 114, 158
Muccio of Biserno, 135
Mugello (upper valley of the Sieve) ,
81, 144, 147
Murlo, 23
Naldo Gherardini, 61, 64, 67,
136, 176
Nanni Ruff oh, 148
Napoleone Orsini, Cardinal, 158,
197-199, 201-205, 215, 254
' Neighbours," 108
Nepo della Tosa, 65
Neri Abati, Ser, 179, 180
Neri di M. Jacopo Ardinghelli, 121
Neri Giandonati, 85
Neri of Gaville, 54, 58, 136
Neri of Lucardo, 166
•Nerli (family), 138
Nerlo Adimari, 148
Nero Cambi, 60, 66, 138
Nerone Cavalcanti, 179
New Market (Mercato nuovo), 179,
180, 256
Niccola Acciaioli, 52, 53, 148
Niccola de5 Cerchi, 258
Niccolo Bonsignore (wrongly called
Salimbene), 226
Nicholas III., 199
Nicholas IV., 17, 18, 199
Nobles, feudal, 4, 245
Noffo di Guido Bonafedi (Noffo
Guidi), 40, 101-104, 138
Nuccio Galigai, 136
Nuto Marignolli, 36, 128
Obizzino Spinola, 234, 235
Oderigo Giantruffetti, 5
Ognano (S. Stefano a Ugnano), 117,
119
Ognissanti (church), 37, 39
Ognissanti (suburb of Florence), 180
Old Bridge (Ponte Vecchio) at
Florence, 179
Old Market (Mercato Vecchio) at
Florence, 178, 179, 182
Olmo a Mezzano, 174
Oltrarno (Sesto), 95, 107, 114, 119,
176, 210
Ombroncello (river), 81
Ombrone (river), 81
Ordelaffi (family), 143
Ordinances of Justice, 29-32, 43,
46, 50, 51, 97, 99, 103, 107, 113
156, 207, 209
Orlandini (family), 65
Orlando of Chiusi, 22
Orlanduccio Orlandi, 109, 111, 136
Orsini (family), 250, 251
Orso degli Orsini, 239
Orto (Podere) degli Ubaldini, 144,
146
Orto S. Michele (piazza), 179, 180,
182
Orvieto, 16
Ostia, Cardinal of. See Prato,
Cardinal of
Ostina (fortress), 181, 182
Pacino Peruzzi, 50
Paffiera Cavalcanti, 255, 256
Pagno Bordoni, 19
Palazzolo, mountains of, 203
Polio, 18
Palla Anselmi, 138
Pallavicino, Marquis, 236
Palmieri di M. Ugo Altoviti, 39,
40, 69
Palugiano (fortress), 140, 141
Palvesi or Pavesi, 27
Paniccia degli Erri, 135
" Parliament," 222, 224
Parma, 200, 236, 237
Pavia, 220, 221, 233, 238
Pazzi (family), 54, 167, 186, 256,
257
282
INDEX
Pazzi of Valdarno (family), 15, 16,
196
Pazzino de' Pazzi, 60, 65, 67, 97,
98, 138, 140, 155, 176, 183, 206,
2io, 213, 252, 255-258
Pecora. See Dino di Giovanni
Pelagru, Cardinal, 238-240, 250, 251
f People," meaning of the term, 12,15
Perugia, 178, 182, 183
Peruzzi (family), 138
Petracco, Ser, di Ser Parenzo of
Ancisa, 136, 138, 169
Philip IV. (King of France), 83,
137. 157, 158, 190, 215, 216, 239
Philip of Savoy, 238
Pian di Sco, 142
Piantrevigne (fortress), 143
Piero Brandini, 84
Piero Cane of Milan, 36
Piero Ferrante of Languedoc, 134
Piero Manzuolo, 52
Piero Spini, 63, 64, 211
Pietro Colonna, Cardinal, 158
Piggello de' Conti, 176
Pinaccio, '210
Pinode'Rossi, 239, 242, 243, 255-257
Pino of Signa, 40
Pinuccio (Pino) della Tosa, 65, 253,
254
Pisa, 4, 192, 245-247
Pistoja 4, 81, 140, 144, 153, 170,
172, 173, 187, 208
Pistoja. siege of, 74, 75, 191-200
Poggibonsi, 4, 90, 92, 124
Poggio S. Cecilia (fortress), 16
Pontassieve, 23
Popolani (popolo grasso), v "',
Popolo minuto, v
Por (Porta) S. Piero, Sesto of, 119
Porco Manieri, 60, 67
Porta S. Maria (part of Florence),
179
Porto, Cardinal of (Matthew of
Acquasparta), 59-62, 132, 215
Prato, 4, 162, 172-176
Prato, Nicholas Cardinal of, 161,
162, 165, 168-178, 187, 191, 194,
197, 215, 218, 231, 233, 239, 241,
250
Pratomagno, 23
Priors, institution of, 11, 12
Provosts of the Companies, 130
Pulci (family), 129, 130, 138
Puliciano, 147
Quaratesi (family), 178
Ramondo dal Gotto. See Cle
ment V.
'" Reformations," 136, 138
Reggio, 200, 236
Reggiolo, 242
Riccardino, son of Filippone Coun
of Langosco, 233
Ricco di Ser Compagno degl
Albizzi, 121
Ricoverino de' Cerchi, 63
Rieti, 18
Riminingo (fortress), 228, 229
Rinaldeschi (family), 136
Rinaldo de' Bostoli, 22
Rinieri Buondelmonti (Podesta c
Cremona), 228
Rinieri Lucardesi, 181
Rinuccio di Senno Rinucci, 124, 17
Robert, Duke of Calabria (aftei
wards King of Apulia), 193, 19,;
196, 217, 219, 220, 248-251
Roger, Master, 119
Rondine (fortress), 26
Rossellino della Tosa, 60, 163, 179
Rossi (family), 65, 124, 138, 16/
210, 257
Rosso Bacherelli, 12
Rosso dello Strozza, 93
Rosso della Tosa, 60, 64, 65, 6
113, 128, 138, 150, 155, 162-16
169-171, 173-178, 180, 183, 20
207, 209, 210, 213, 214, 252, 25
258
Rucellai (family), 138
Ruff oh (family), 65, 136
Ruggieri of Cuona, 19
Sabina, Arnaut Fauger, Cardin
of, 233, 251
Salinguerra Torelli, 152
Salvi del Chiaro Girolami, 11, 65, 1
S. Bernard, chapel of, 103, 104
S. Brancazio or Pancrazio (gate
115, n6
S. Brancazio (Sesto), 119
S. Domenico (monastery), 186
S. Donnino (fortress), 236, 237
S. Gallo (suburb of Florence), 18
188, 240
S. Giovanni (church), 22, 92
S. Giovanni Laterano (church), 25
251
INDEX
283
S. Godenzo, 145
S. Louis, King of France, 119, 120
S. Marco (church), T85, 188
S. Miniato al Tedesco; 4, 18, 48, 49
S. Piero Maggiore (piazza), 210
S. Piero Scheraggio Cchurch), 179,
182
S. Procolo (church), 12
S. Salvi (abbey), 212, 213
S. Sepolcro (village), 124, 125
S. Spirito (monastery), 198, 199
S. Stefano (monastery), 168
Santa Croce (monastery), 85, 256,
257
Santa Maria Novella (monastery
and piazza), 95, 105, 169
Santa Reparata (church), 186, 188
Santa Trinita (church), meeting in,
66, 67
Santerno (river), 144, 146
Sarezzano (Sarzana), 61, 62, 68
Sassetti (family), 179
Sasso of Murlo, 22
Savoy, Amadeus V. Count of, 219,
220, 224
Saw (sega) (tax), 195
Scali (family), 112, 257
Scambrilla, 207, 208
Scampolino, 57
Scarpetta degli Ordelaffi, 142, 143
147
Schengli (Catalan troops), 207, 209,
210, 212
Schiatta Amati de' Cancellieri, 72,
73. 75. 76, 106, no, 118, 139, 140
Sciarra (Jacopo) Colonna, 157-159
Scolari (family), 136, 142, 148, 184
Security to be given by Magnates,
30, 31
Segna Angiolini, 103
Selvaggia de' Vergellesi, 200
Senate of Rome, 249, 250
Senio (river), 146
Ser (title), 42
Serravalle, 140, 141
Sesti (Sestieri) of Florence, 13
Sicilian vespers, 18
Siena, 4, 87, 142, 159, 181, 244
Siena, arms of, 143
Sieve (river), 23
Signory, 30. 269
Signory, residence of the, 104
Simone Cancellieri of Pantano, 72,
73, 76, 135
Simone de' Bardi, 69, 70
Simone della Tosa, 253, 257
Simone Donati, 56, 258
Simone Galastrone, 44
Simone Gherardi, 60, 100
Simone Gherardini, 138
Sinibaldo Donati, 60, 67
Soldanieri (family), 136
Sovramonte degli Amati, 227-229
Spadai, gate of the, 185, 188, 190
Spini (family), 60, 66, 86, 112, 167
Squarcialupi (family), 23
Standard, royal, of Anjou, 17, 19
Strozzi (familv), 138
Sulla, 78, 79
Susa, 219
" Sworn clerks," 120
Tajo di M. Ridolfo, 208
Talano Adimari, 25
Taldo della Bella, 44
Tebaldini (family), 136
Tebaldo of Montelupone (Podesta of
Florence), 109, no, 112, 116, 117
Tedaldi (family), 136
Tedice Adimari, 211
Tedice Manovelli, 121
Tegghia Finiguerri (son of Fini-
guerra Diedati), 136, 145, 146
Teghiajo Frescobaldi, 252
Testa Tornaquinci, T67, 257
Tibaldo Bruciati (Tebaldo Brus-
ciati), 171, 229, 230, 232, 237, 238
Tignoso de' Macci, 136, 145
Tolosato degli Uberti, 144, 146, 159,
170, 171, 173. 184, 187, 191, 194
Tornmaso de' Mozzi, 61, 63
Tornaquinci (family), 65, 115, 116,
124, 138, 164, 166, 167, 211
Torre della Castagna, 12, 13
Torrigiano de' Cerchi, 60, 66, 108,
109, 127
Tosinghi or Delia Tosa (family),
17, 37, 38. 62, 65, 17S
Tower clubs, 108
Treviso, 209
Trier, Baldwin of Luxemburg, Arch-
bishop of, 216, 218, 224
Uealdini (family), 144-146, 149
Ubaldino Malavolti, 82, 83
Uberti (family), 6. 9, 15, 104, 136,
144, 170, 171, 177
284
INDEX
Ubertini (family), 15, 16, 48, 58,
202
Ubertino dello Strozza, 32, 169
Ubertino, friar, 204
Uccellini (family), 138
Ugolino Rossi of Parma, 26
Ugo Tornaquinci, 71
Uguccione of La Faggiuola, 57, 142,
143, 154, 205, 206
Vacchereccia (part of Florence),
179
Valdarno (valley of the Arno), 23,
203
Val di Chiana (valley of the Chiana),
23, 153 203
Val di Pesa, 184
Val di Sieve, 256, 257
Vanni de' Mozzi, 136
Vannuccio Buonconti, 144, 146
Vermiglio di J acopo Alf ani, 84 (
Verona, 231
Viandana. 237
Vieri de' Cerchi, 19, 25, 36, 56, 5$
66
Vieri di Ricovero de' Cerchi, 66
Vieri Scali, 136
Villani (irregular troops), 27, 109 fj
Visconti (family), 224, 226 *i
Waleran (brother of Henry VTI.ff
224, 231 i,
Willa, Countess, 13
William MarlesfieW, 161, 162
William of Durfort, 19 £;
William of Nogaret, 158
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